, ,

Officials will reduce the frequency and size of purchases beginning with a two-week schedule to be released Aug. 19, with the $300 billion being completed by the end of October.

The Fed’s footprint in the $6.8 trillion market of outstanding Treasuries is smaller than in the market for agency mortgage-backed securities, where the central bank is buying $1.25 trillion from a pool of about $5 trillion. A sudden end to the Fed’s purchases of MBS could be especially “problematic” for that market, Dudley said in the interview.

Adopting a policy of “gradual reduction,” the Fed will probably prolong purchases of MBS and agency debt into 2010, said John Silvia, chief economist for Wells Fargo Securities LLC in Charlotte, North Carolina.

Reinhart said policy makers may also have decided on an extension of the Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility, which is aimed at reviving the market for securities backed by auto, credit card, education and commercial property loans.

The commercial real estate industry, under pressure from falling property values and maturing loans, called last month for an extension of the TALF program. Tumbling property values have made it difficult for owners of commercial real estate to refinance $165 billion in mortgages this year.

(excerpt from)

To contact the reporter on this story: Scott Lanman in Washington at slanman@bloomberg.net; Craig Torres in Washington at ctorres3@bloomberg.net.

Last Updated: August 13, 2009 11:19 EDT


** This is the day and age in which we all find ourselves. It is a place where the homes that will house our lives, our children, our experiences and our well-being are not attainable by the ordinary means of labor, wages and efforts because the price to pay for these dwellings are not in the same scale with those labors and wages. It is a time and place where bankers and mortgage holders sell those loans to be securities of some other type without any vested interest in our communities nor in our families’ interests. It is now the case that these mortgage-backed securities threatened the very survival of our nation as a due and direct cause in the recent economic collapse and ensuing economic crisis. This was never intended to be the purpose for a dwelling that was meant to house a family safely, to provide for their shelter and well-being, to be a place where a family would conduct their lives and participate in the community around them.

The above excerpt from an article on Bloomberg last August suggests the extent of the problem and to what exaggeration of the use of Federal and Treasury resources, they are attempting to temporarily fix the problems that is has caused by creating and trading in these mortgage-backed security products. It only shows one small fragment of a much bigger problem in the structural integrity of our economy as it has been re-made by the introduction of these financial methods and exotic financial products, how they are traded, how they are insured and how they are valued. (cd9)


The Federalist Papers

Welcome to our Federalist Papers e-text. The Federalist Papers were written and published during the years 1787 and 1788 in several New York State newspapers to persuade New York voters to ratify the proposed constitution.

In total, the Federalist Papers consist of 85 essays outlining how this new government would operate and why this type of government was the best choice for the United States of America. All of the essays were signed “PUBLIUS” and the actual authors of some are under dispute, but the general consensus is that Alexander Hamilton wrote 52, James Madison wrote 28, and John Jay contributed the remaining five.

The Federalist Papers remain today as an excellent reference for anyone who wants to understand the U.S. Constitution.

Federalist Papers in Numerical Order, with Frames

Federalist Papers in Numerical Order, without Frames

Indices by author:

Other important documents of the period:

These Federalist Papers Web pages were originally created by Rob Knautz and replace his version hosted online from 1996 to 2000. The raw text files used for this project come from Project Gutenberg. Please read the disclaimer attached to the original data if you intend to reproduce it. Many other historic texts are also available from the Gutenberg archives.

The copy of the Federalist Papers that is pictured above is a first edition in the collection of the Library of Congress. It was originally owned by Alexander Hamilton’s wife, Elizabeth, who gave it to her sister, Angelica Church, from whom her friend, Thomas Jefferson, acquired it. Apparently relying on information supplied by Madison, Jefferson assigned the pseudonymous “Publius” essays to Hamilton, Madison, and Jay in a list on the flyleaf of this volume. Click here to e-mail the image as a “virtual postcard.”


** My Note – When I was running through the news surf tonight, there was Speaker Newt Gingrich on Hannity for FoxNews. After listening a bit, Speaker Gingrich mentioned the Federalist papers and he made a very accurate explanation of what created the rule of Constitutional Law, the Declaration and the other legal instruments that formed our government. After having been subjected to the rule of England that, at the time, chose to break the law as it suited and to deny representation for the interests of the Colonists in the House of Commons, the English subjects in the new America understood the hand of brutality under law that was no law at all, by having experienced it. The writings in the Federalist papers are worth reading, but it is not what I’m looking for tonight that help define for me what the Constitutional guarantees actually mean, although some of it is certainly found in those writings.

The part that I chose from that page was this –

Main Page

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(from, – although, to be honest – I went to the music section first to see what was there and its great – I’ll get some of those scores to learn later sometime – Haydn and everything, my note)



Marshall, John, 1755-1835

***’Sliding in another note from American Revolutionary History Sources found in Gutenburg Project***

Author Mignet, M. (François-Auguste-Marie-Alexis), 1796-1884
Title Vie de Franklin
J'ai surtout fait usage, pour composer cette _Vie de Franklin_, de ses
écrits, de ses Mémoires, de ses Lettres, publiés, en six volumes in-8°,
par son petit-fils William Temple Franklin. Voici le titre de cette
précieuse collection des oeuvres de ce grand homme «Memoirs on the
life and writings of Benjamin Franklin LL. D. F. R. S., etc., minister
plenipotentiary from the United-States of America at the Court of
France, and for the Treaty of Peace and Independance with Great Britain,
etc., written by himself to a late period, and continued to the time of
his death by his grandson William Temple Franklin.» J'ai complété ce
qui concerne ses ouvrages en me servant du recueil qui en a été formé
à Londres en trois volumes, sous le titre de _The Works of Benjamin
Franklin_. Les Mémoires ont été traduits et imprimés plusieurs fois;
il en est de même de ses principaux écrits politiques, philosophiques,

J'ai eu recours également aux deux grandes collections publiées par M.
Jared Sparks, au nom du Congrès des États Unis; l'une renfermant, en
douze volumes, toutes les correspondances des agents et du gouvernement
des États-Unis relatives à l'indépendance américaine (_the diplomatic
Correspondence of the american Revolution_; Boston, 1829); et l'autre
contenant, en douze volumes aussi, la vie, les lettres et les écrits de
Georges Washington sur la guerre, la constitution, le gouvernement
de cette république. (_The Writings of George Washington, being his
Correspondences, Addresses, Messages, and other Papers official and
private, selected and published from the original Manuscripts, with the
Life of the Author_; Boston, 1837.) Je n'ai pas consulté sans utilité
ce qu'ont dit de Franklin deux hommes qui ont vécu neuf ans dans son
intimité lorsqu'il était à Passy: l'abbé Morellet dans ses Mémoires, et
Cabanis dans la _Notice_ qu'il a donnée sur lui (tome V des _Oeuvres_ de

Enfin je me suis servi également, dans ce que j'ai dit sur l'Amérique
avant son indépendance et pendant la guerre qu'elle a soutenue pour
l'établir, de l'_History of the Colonisation of the United-States_, par
M. George Bancroft; de _Storia della Guerra dell' Independenza degli
Stati-Uniti d'America_ (quatre volumes), par M. Botta, laquelle contient
les principaux discours et actes officiels; de l'excellent ouvrage de M.
de Tocqueville sur la _Démocratie en Amérique_, et de la Correspondance
déposée aux Archives des affaires étrangères.

                           PREMIÈRE PARTIE


Enseignements qu'offre la vie de Franklin.

«Né dans l'indigence et dans l'obscurité, dit Franklin en écrivant ses
Mémoires, et y ayant passé mes premières années, je me suis élevé dans
le monde à un état d'opulence, et j'y ai acquis quelque célébrité. La
fortune ayant continué à me favoriser, même à une époque de ma vie
déjà avancée, mes descendants seront peut-être charmés de connaître les
moyens que j'ai employés pour cela, et qui, grâce à la Providence, m'ont
si bien réussi; et ils peuvent servir de leçon utile à ceux d'entre eux
qui, se trouvant dans des circonstances semblables, croiraient devoir
les imiter.»

Ce que Franklin adresse à ses enfants peut être utile à tout le monde.

(etc.- quite)
French to English translationShow romanization

I mostly used to compose  this _Vie of Franklin_, its
written his memoirs of  his Letters, published in six volumes 8vo,
by his grand-son William  Temple Franklin. This is the title of this
valuable collection of  works by this great man "Memoirs on the
Life and Writings of  Benjamin Franklin LL. D. F. R. S., etc.., Minister
plenipotentiary from the  United-States of America at the Court of
France, and for the  Treaty of Peace and Independence with Great Britain,
etc.., written by himself  to a late period, and continued to the time of
his death by his grandson  William Temple Franklin. "I completed this
on its books as I used  the code that has been formed
in London in three  volumes under the title _The Works of Benjamin
Franklin_. The memoirs have been  translated and printed many times;
it is the same with its  major political writings, philosophical,

I also used two large  collections published by Mr.
Jared Sparks, on behalf  of the United States Congress, one containing, in
twelve volumes, all  matches of agents and government
the United States for  American independence (_the diplomacy
Correspondence of the  American Revolution_, Boston, 1829) and the other
containing, in twelve  volumes, too, the life, letters and writings
George Washington on the  war, constitution, government
This republic. (_The Writings of George  Washington, being his
Correspondence,  Addresses, Messages, and other papers and official
private, selected and  published from the Original Manuscripts, with the
Life of the Author_,  Boston, 1837.) I have not consulted useless
what was said of Franklin  two men who lived in his nine years
privacy when he was at  Passy: Abbe Morellet in his memoirs, and
Cabanis in _Notice_ he  has given to him (Volume V of the _Oeuvres_

Finally I also served in  what I said about America
before independence and  during the war it continued to
the setting, the _History  of the colonization of the United States_-by
Mr. George Bancroft; of  _Storia della Guerra dell 'degli Independenza
Stati Uniti-of America_  (four volumes), by M. Botta, which contains
major speeches and  official documents; the excellent work of M.
Tocqueville on  _Démocratie in Amérique_, and Correspondence
filed in the Archives of  Foreign Affairs. 



Courses offered by the  life of Franklin. 

"Born into poverty and  obscurity," said Franklin in her writing
Memoirs, and having spent  my early years I am in high
the world in a state of  opulence, and I acquired some celebrity. The
fortunes have continued  to encourage me, even at a time in my life
already advanced, my  descendants might be delighted to know
means that I used for  this and that, thanks to Providence, me
so successful and they  can serve as a useful lesson to those of them
who find themselves in  similar circumstances would believe duty
imitate them. " 

What Franklin addressed  to his children may be useful to everyone.

(from Google translation tools and Gutenberg Project)




Ideal Commonwealths

HelpAvailable eBook formats (including mobile)Read online

Bibliographic Record
Contributor Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626
Contributor Campanella, Tommaso, 1568-1639
Contributor More, Thomas, Sir, Saint, 1478?-1535
Contributor Plutarch, 46-120?
Editor Morley, Henry, 1822-1894
Title Ideal Commonwealths
Contents Plutarch’s Lycurgus — More’s Utopia — Bacon’s New Atlantis — Campanella’s City of the Sun — A Fragment of Hall’s Mundus Alter et Idem
Language English
EText-No. 18638
Release Date 2006-06-20
Copyright Status Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook.
Base Directory /files/18638/

**But, I remembered something I had read concerning the Manhattan Project when the first pile was found to be successful

(in the reporting of it to Washington officials, along with the concerns for humanity that it raised which included some insight from our founding fathers and an indication of where that reference for  judging the morality of a thing as a nation which it named.)

So, in turning to the Gutenberg Project files (book catalog A – Z), I found the entry:

And then, after choosing the A – Z list from the Book Catalog page –

I chose “M” to find this –

Project Trinity 1945-1946 by Carl R. Maag and Steve Rohrer

HelpAvailable eBook formats (including mobile)Read online

Bibliographic Record
Author Maag, Carl R.
Author Rohrer, Steve
Title Project Trinity 1945-1946
Language English
LoC Class QC: Science: Physics
LoC Class U: Military science
Subject Nuclear weapons — Testing
Subject Atomic bomb — New Mexico — Testing
EText-No. 548
Release Date 1996-06-01
Copyright Status Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook
Base Directory /files/548/




**which, I thought might have a reference to the other information I had seen, but it did not since its greater concern was the initial Trinity test and its after effects generally along with its historical and factual record. Then, I looked among some of my documents in my computer, which yielded this, instead of what I was trying to find (which is no surprise, since they are not specific by title as much as they should be) –

The Manhattan Project was the codename for a project conducted during World War II to develop the first atomic bomb. The project was led by the United States, and included scientists from the United Kingdom and Canada. Formally designated as the Manhattan Engineer District (MED), it refers specifically to the period of the project from 1942–1946 under the control of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, under the administration of General Leslie R. Groves. The scientific research was directed by American physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer.[1]

The project's roots lay in scientists' fears since the 1930s that Nazi Germany was also investigating nuclear weapons of its own. Born out of a small research program in 1939, the Manhattan Project eventually employed more than 130,000 people and cost nearly US$2 billion ($22 billion in current value). It resulted in the creation of multiple production and research sites that operated in secret.[2]

Project research took place at over thirty sites across the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom. The three primary research and production sites of the project were the plutonium-production facility at what is now the Hanford Site, the uranium-enrichment facilities at Oak Ridge, Tennessee, and the weapons research and design laboratory now known as Los Alamos National Laboratory. The MED maintained control over U.S. weapons production until the formation of the Atomic Energy Commission in January 1947.

*Enrico Fermi


**(and this) -

Frisch–Peierls memorandum

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia


The opening paragraph of the Frisch–Peierls  memorandum

The Frisch–Peierls memorandum was written by Otto Frisch and Rudolf Peierls while they were both working at the University of Birmingham, England.  The memorandum contained new calculations about the size of the critical  mass needed for an atomic bomb, and helped accelerate British and  U.S. efforts towards bomb development during World  War II.

Given to Marcus Oliphant,  Oliphant passed the document on to Henry  Tizard, chairman of the Committee on the Scientific Survey of Air Defence who, as a result, requested the setting-up of what was to become the  secret MAUD Committee. The memorandum (a copy of which is held  in the Public Record Office at Kew) is dated  March 1940.

The two men were the first to calculate that an atomic bomb would  require about 1 lb of the isotope uranium-235.  (The estimate of 1 lb turned out to be too low; see Critical  mass.) Before it had been assumed that the bomb itself would  require many tons of uranium, implying that it was theoretically  possible, but not a practical military device. An earlier letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, signed by Albert Einstein (but written by Leo Szilárd), had suggested it may need to be  delivered by ship but could not be small enough to drop from the air.

The memo was written in two parts. The second was an explanation of  the science supporting their conclusions. The first was an elegant and  comprehensive outline of the implications of their calculations. It  included a proposal that the best defence against such a weapon would be  to develop one before Germany did so. In a few short pages these two  scientists had anticipated the policies of deterrence which would later shape Cold War geopolitics.

The memorandum opens with:

Strictly Confidential

Memorandum on the properties of a radioactive “super-bomb”

The attached detailed report concerns the possibility of  constructing a “super-bomb” which utilizes the energy stored in atomic  nuclei as a source of energy. The energy liberated in the explosion of  such a super-bomb is about the same as that produced by the explosion of  1000 tons of dynamite. This energy is liberated in a small volume, in  which it will, for an instant, produce a temperature comparable to that  in the interior of the sun. The blast from such an explosion would  destroy life in a wide area. The size of this area is difficult to  estimate, but it will probably cover the centre of a big city.

In addition, some part of the energy set free by the bomb goes to  produce radioactive substances, and these will emit very powerful and  dangerous radiations. The effect of these radiations is greatest  immediately after the explosion, but it decays only gradually and even  for days after the explosion any person entering the affected area will  be killed.

Some of this radioactivity will be carried along with the wind and  will spread the contamination; several miles downwind this may kill  people.

The memorandum helped galvanize both Britain and America down a path  which lead to a report by the British MAUD Committee, the Tube  Alloys project, the Manhattan Project, and ultimately the atomic bombings of  Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

See also

·         Einstein–Szilárd letter
·         Timeline of the Manhattan  Project
·         Allied  technological cooperation during World War II


·         World Nuclear AssociationOutline History of Nuclear Energy

External links

Wikisource has original text related to this article:

Frisch-Peierls memorandum

·         Stanford UniversityThe Frisch–Peierls memorandum (PDF)
·         Frisch and Peierls's second  memorandum

Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frisch%E2%80%93Peierls_memorandum"

Categories: Nuclear history  of the United Kingdom | Nuclear history  of the United States | Classified documents | 1940 works | Memoranda



*(and this from the Gutenberg Project, which I read all of, looking for the reference to someone’s name that would remind me where I put the other document about the first successful test of a nuclear chain reaction in Chicago under the gymnasium, etc.)

Project Trinity 1945-1946 by Carl R. Maag and Steve Rohrer

HelpAvailable eBook formats (including mobile)Read online

Bibliographic Record
Author Maag, Carl R.
Author Rohrer, Steve
Title Project Trinity 1945-1946
Language English
LoC Class QC: Science: Physics
LoC Class U: Military science
Subject Nuclear weapons — Testing
Subject Atomic bomb — New Mexico — Testing
EText-No. 548
Release Date 1996-06-01
Copyright Status Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook.
Base Directory /files/548/

** I found this in my notes – from Wikipedia about the Manhattan Project:

In 1933 Hungarian physicist Leó Szilárd had proposed that if any neutron-driven process released more neutrons than those required to start it, an expanding nuclear chain reaction might result. Chain reactions were familiar as a phenomenon from chemistry (where they typically caused explosions and other runaway reactions), but Szilárd was proposing them for a nuclear reaction for the first time. However, Szilárd had proposed to look for such reactions in the lighter atoms, and nothing of the sort was found. Upon experimentation shortly after the uranium fission discovery, Szilárd found that the fission of uranium released two or more neutrons on average, and immediately realized that a nuclear chain reaction by this mechanism was possible in theory. Szilárd kept this secret at first because he feared its use as a weapon by fascist governments. He convinced others to do so, but identical results were soon published by the Joliot-Curie group, to his great dismay.

A few months after he was put in charge of fast neutron research, Berkeley physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer convened a conference on the topic of nuclear weapon design.

Now that the bomb project was under the OSRD, the project leaders began to accelerate the work. Arthur Compton organized the University of Chicago Metallurgical Laboratory in early 1942 to study plutonium and fission piles (primitive nuclear reactors), and asked theoretical physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer of the University of California, Berkeley to take over research on fast neutron calculations—key to calculations about critical mass and weapon detonation—from Gregory Breit, who had quit because of concerns over lax operational security.[17] John Manley, a physicist at the Metallurgical Laboratory, was assigned to help Oppenheimer find answers by coordinating and contacting several experimental physics groups scattered across the country.

During the spring of 1942[when?], Oppenheimer and Robert Serber of the University of Illinois worked on the problems of neutron diffusion (how neutrons moved in the chain reaction) and hydrodynamics (how the explosion produced by the chain reaction might behave). To review this work and the general theory of fission reactions, Oppenheimer convened a summer study at the University of California, Berkeley, in June 1942.[18] Theorists Hans Bethe, John Van Vleck, Edward Teller, Felix Bloch, Emil Konopinski, Robert Serber, Stanley S. Frankel, and Eldred C. Nelson (the latter three all former students of Oppenheimer) quickly confirmed that a fission bomb was feasible.

*The Los Alamos National Laboratory was built on a mesa that previously hosted the Los Alamos Ranch School, a private school for teenage boys. The site was chosen primarily for its remoteness. Oppenheimer had known of it from his horse-riding near his ranch in New Mexico, and he showed it as a possible site to the government representatives, who promptly bought it for $440,000. In addition to being the main “think-tank”, Los Alamos was responsible for final assembly of the bombs, mainly from materials and components produced by other sites. Manufacturing at Los Alamos included casings, explosive lenses, and fabrication of fissile materials into bomb cores.

Oak Ridge facilities covered more than 60,000 acres (243 km²) of several former farm communities in the Tennessee Valley area. Some Tennessee families were given two weeks’ notice to vacate family farms that had been their homes for generations.[citation needed] So secret was the site during World War II that the state governor was unaware that Oak Ridge (which was to become the fifth largest city in the state) was being built. At one point Oak Ridge plants were consuming 1/6th of the electrical power produced in the U.S., more than New York City. Oak Ridge mainly produced uranium-235.

Chalk River, was established to house the allied effort that was going on at McGill University, in Montreal. Since the site was 120 miles west of Ottawa, a new community was also built at Deep River, Ontario to be the home of the project team members. Both were established in 1944, with scientists, engineers, trades from Canada, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Australia, France, Norway, etc. providing their contribution to the war effort.

The Hanford Site, which grew to almost 1,000 square miles (2,600 km²), took over irrigated farm land, fruit orchards, a railroad, and two farming communities, Hanford and White Bluffs, in a highly populated area where three cities converge called the Tri Cities, (Kennewick, Pasco, and Richland. WA),adjacent to the Columbia River. Hanford hosted nuclear reactors cooled by the river and was the plutonium production center.

The existence of these sites and the secret cities of Los Alamos, Oak Ridge, Richland, and Chalk River were not made public until the announcement of the Hiroshima explosion, and the sites remained secret until after the end of WWII.

The project originally was headquartered at 270 Broadway in Manhattan. Other offices were scattered throughout the city,[26] including the New York Friars’ Club building.[27] The Broadway headquarters lasted little more than a year before it was moved in 1943, although many of the other offices in Manhattan remained.[28]




Vannevar Bush

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to: navigationsearch
Vannevar Bush

Vannevar Bush, ca. 1940-44

Born March 11, 1890(1890-03-11)
Everett, Massachusetts
Died June 28, 1974 (aged 84)
Belmont, Massachusetts
Institutions MIT
Alma mater B.A. Tufts College 1913
Ph.D. MIT 1917
Doctoral students Claude E. Shannon
Known for Helped create the National Science Foundation
Influenced Ted Nelson

Vannevar Bush (March 11, 1890 – June 28, 1974; pronounced /væˈniːvɑr/ van-NEE-var)  was an American engineer and science administrator known for his work on analog computing, his  political role in the development of the atomic bomb as a primary organizer of the Manhattan Project, and the idea of the memex, an  adjustable microfilm-viewer which is somewhat analogous to the structure  of the World Wide Web. As Director of the Office of  Scientific Research and Development, Bush coordinated the activities of  some six thousand leading American scientists in the application of  science to warfare.[1]

Bush was a well-known policymaker and public intellectual during World  War II and the ensuing Cold War [2],  and was in effect the first presidential science advisor. Bush was a proponent  of democratic technocracy and of the centrality of technological innovation and entrepreneurship  for both economic and geopolitical security.

Seeing later developments in the Cold War arms race, Bush became troubled. “His vision of how technology could  lead toward understanding and away from destruction was a primary  inspiration for the postwar research that led to the development of New Media.” [3]


**Then, I went back to where I started and looked up James Madison, James Monroe, John Marshall’s writings about George Washington, because I was already on the “M” page anyway and placed a little of what I found into the post, while still looking for the other information found in the nuclear breakthrough and atomic weapons programs involving the United States from the time at which the decisions were being made. There is a reinforcing idea that permeates through all of it which is why we fought against the destruction of our nation and of our national interests by the Japanese Imperial leaders and the Nazi regime of Hitler, among others.

When our nation’s leaders confronted a decision that would have far-reaching impacts on our nation, they nearly always backed up from the decision long enough to compare the analysis of the choices in light of the founding principles in our founding fathers’ declarations and in light of our Constitution along with its foundation of purpose and intent. That historical reference and reflection that pervades every decision, is somewhere found in all of it where an executive, a President, a Congress, a general, a joint chiefs, a science officer, an elected politician had to make a choice for America.

That rarely happens in many other countries with such conscientious intention as it does in the hearts and minds of our leaders and it happens because they are Americans first at their very core. It is a way of thinking about the morality of our responsible use of power and privilege as Americans which compares current decisions and choices in light of a greater good and the heavy burden of the accountability to the sacrifice made to create our nation, our freedoms and protect our Constitution. It is not done so lightly when a decision is made of great import to humanity and to our nation and her citizens.

Throughout every decision by our elected government members, there rests a citizen first and a politician second, no matter what education may have influenced or what political parties may have asked and no matter how far removed from the origination of the Constitution and our Revolutionary forefathers we may seem to be in our modern world. Once freedom has been tasted, that taste and the knowledge of it can never be taken away. Once the justified and inalienable rights of an individual have been honored and experienced, that experience and the knowledge of it, can never be thwarted nor perverted by application of some other reasoned or argued perspective. The individual citizen that has known these things and experienced them, will always be an American citizen first and a full member of the nation created and insured by these things, and will always be anything else, second.

What does it mean, “at any price”? Do people even know anymore why we struck from England and determined to do so, “at any price” to grief and sorrow as lives were lost in the fight that was precious and dear to us? Why would anyone do that? What could possibly be so important that families would give everything dear to them in pursuit of claiming it, making it so, and protecting it once acquired? Was it the pursuit of money and property that could bring that depth of power from our people and from our nation’s families and citizens in the Revolutionary War (and in other great wars fighting for our nation)? Or is it something else that is far more powerful and far more important than money, property, prestige, status and the adornments of society?

For what good does it do a man to have all the riches and wealth of the world, if that man owns not himself but is owned by the king and forever in servitude of that master?

(that didn’t come from a history book, it is what came through our family’s knowledge handed down through generations of a fight for freedom and conscience to protect the inalienable human rights afforded every man, woman and child by virtue of our Constitution and in honor of the lives that were sacrificed to make it so.)

–          Cricketdiane


(excerpt from below – )

Thus all consent to that maxim of Crassus, that a prince cannot have treasure enough, since he must maintain his armies out of it: that a king, even though he would, can do nothing unjustly; that all property is in him, not excepting the very persons of his subjects: and that no man has any other property, but that which the king out of his goodness thinks fit to leave him.


“Do not you think, that if I were about any king, proposing good laws to him, and endeavouring to root out all the cursed seeds of evil that I found in him, I should either be turned out of his Court, or at least be laughed at for my pains? For instance, what could it signify if I were about the King of France, and were called into his cabinet-council, where several wise men, in his hearing, were proposing many expedients; as by what arts and practices Milan may be kept; and Naples, that had so oft slipped out of their hands, recovered; how the Venetians, and after them the rest of Italy, may be subdued; and then how Flanders, Brabant, and all Burgundy, and some other kingdoms which he has swallowed already in his designs, may be added to his empire.

One proposes a league with the Venetians, to be kept as long as he finds his account in it, and that he ought to communicate councils with them, and give them some share of the spoil, till his success makes him need or fear them less, and then it will be easily taken out of their hands. Another proposes the hiring the Germans, and the securing the Switzers by pensions. Another proposes the gaining the Emperor by money, which is omnipotent with him.

Another proposes a peace with the King of Arragon, and in order to cement it, the yielding up the King of Navarre’s pretensions. Another thinks the Prince of Castile is to be wrought on, by the hope of an alliance; and that some of his courtiers are to be gained to the French faction by pensions.

The hardest point of all is what to do with England: a treaty of peace is to be set on foot, and if their alliance is not to be depended on, yet it is to be made as firm as possible; and they are to be called friends, but suspected as enemies: therefore the Scots are to be kept in readiness, to be let loose upon England on every occasion: and some banished nobleman is to be supported underhand (for by the league it cannot be done avowedly) who has a pretension to the crown, by which means that suspected prince may be kept in awe.

Now when things are in so great a fermentation, and so many gallant men are joining councils, how to carry on the war, if so mean a man as I should stand up, and wish them to change all their councils, to let Italy alone, and stay at home, since the kingdom of France was indeed greater than could be well governed by one man; that therefore he ought not to think of adding others to it: and if after this, I should propose to them the resolutions of the Achorians, a people that lie on the south-east of Utopia, who long ago engaged in war, in order to add to the dominions of their prince another kingdom, to which he had some pretensions by an ancient alliance.

This they conquered, but found that the trouble of keeping it was equal to that by which it was gained; that the conquered people were always either in rebellion or exposed to foreign invasions, while they were obliged to be incessantly at war, either for or against them, and consequently could never disband their army; that in the meantime they were oppressed with taxes, their money went out of the kingdom, their blood was spilt for the glory of their king, without procuring the least advantage to the people, who received not the smallest benefit from it even in time of peace; and that their manners being corrupted by a long war, robbery and murders everywhere abounded, and their laws fell into contempt; while their king, distracted with the care of two kingdoms, was the less able to apply his mind to the interests of either. When they saw this, and that there would be no end to these evils, they by joint councils made an humble address to their king, desiring him to choose which of the two kingdoms he had the greatest mind to keep, since he could not hold both; for they were too great a people to be governed by a divided king, since no man would willingly have a groom that should be in common between him and another. Upon which the good prince was forced to quit his new kingdom to one of his friends (who was not long after dethroned), and to be contented with his old one.

To this I would add, that after all those warlike attempts, the vast confusions, and the consumption both of treasure and of people that must follow them; perhaps upon some misfortune, they might be forced to throw up all at last; therefore it seemed much more eligible that the king should improve his ancient kingdom all he could, and make it flourish as much as possible; that he should love his people, and be beloved of them; that he should live among them, govern them gently, and let other kingdoms alone, since that which had fallen to his share was big enough, if not too big for him. Pray how do you think would such a speech as this be heard?”—”I confess,” said I, “I think not very well.”


It will either be said that equity lies of his side, or some words in the law will be found sounding that way, or some forced sense will be put on them; and when all other things fail, the king’s undoubted prerogative will be pretended, as that which is above all law; and to which a religious judge ought to have a special regard.

Thus all consent to that maxim of Crassus, that a prince cannot have treasure enough, since he must maintain his armies out of it: that a king, even though he would, can do nothing unjustly; that all property is in him, not excepting the very persons of his subjects: and that no man has any other property, but that which the king out of his goodness thinks fit to leave him.

And they think it is the prince’s interest, that there be as little of this left as may be, as if it were his advantage that his people should have neither riches nor liberty; since these things make them less easy and less willing to submit to a cruel and unjust government; whereas necessity and poverty blunts them, makes them patient, beats them down, and breaks that height of spirit, that might otherwise dispose them to rebel.

Now what if after all these propositions were made, I should rise up and assert, that such councils were both unbecoming a king, and mischievous to him: and that not only his honour but his safety consisted more in his people’s wealth, than in his own; if I should show that they choose a king for their own sake, and not for his; that by his care and endeavours they may be both easy and safe; and that therefore a prince ought to take more care of his people’s happiness than of his own, as a shepherd is to take more care of his flock than of himself. It is also certain, that they are much mistaken that think the poverty of a nation is a means of the public safety. Who quarrel more than beggars? Who does more earnestly long for a change, than he that is uneasy in his present circumstances?

And who run to create confusions with so desperate a boldness, as those who have nothing to lose, hope to gain by them? If a king should fall under such contempt or envy, that he could not keep his subjects in their duty, but by oppression and ill usage, and by rendering them poor and miserable, it were certainly better for him to quit his kingdom, than to retain it by such methods, as makes him while he keeps the name of authority, lose the majesty due to it. Nor is it so becoming the dignity of a king to reign over beggars, as over rich and happy subjects. And therefore Fabricius, a man of a noble and exalted temper, said, he would rather govern rich men, than be rich himself; since for one man to abound in wealth and pleasure, when all about him are mourning and groaning, is to be a gaoler and not a king.

He is an unskilful physician, that cannot cure one disease without casting his patient into another: so he that can find no other way for correcting the errors of his people, but by taking from them the conveniences of life, shows that he knows not what it is to govern a free nation. He himself ought rather to shake off his sloth, or to lay down his pride; for the contempt or hatred that his people have for him, takes its rise from the vices in himself. Let him live upon what belongs to him, without wronging others, and accommodate his expense to his revenue. Let him punish crimes, and by his wise conduct let him endeavour to prevent them, rather than be severe when he has suffered them to be too common: let him not rashly revive laws that are abrogated by disuse, especially if they have been long forgotten, and never wanted; and let him never take any penalty for the breach of them, to which a judge would not give way in a private man, but would look on him as a crafty and unjust person for pretending to it. To these things I would add, that law among the Macarians, a people that lie not far from Utopia, by which their king, on the day on which he begins to reign, is tied by an oath confirmed by solemn sacrifices, never to have at once above a thousand pounds of gold in his treasures, or so much silver as is equal to that in value.

This law, they tell us, was made by an excellent king, who had more regard to the riches of his country than to his own wealth; and therefore provided against the heaping up of so much treasure, as might impoverish the people. He thought that moderate sum might be sufficient for any accident; if either the king had occasion for it against rebels, or the kingdom against the invasion of an enemy; but that it was not enough to encourage a prince to invade other men’s rights, a circumstance that was the chief cause of his making that law. He also thought that it was a good provision for that free circulation of money, so necessary for the course of commerce and exchange: and when a king must distribute all those extraordinary accessions that increase treasure beyond the due pitch, it makes him less disposed to oppress his subjects. Such a king as this will be the terror of ill men, and will be beloved by all the good.

“If, I say, I should talk of these or such like things, to men that had taken their bias another way, how deaf would they be to all I could say?”—”No doubt, very deaf,” answered I; and no wonder, for one is never to offer at propositions or advice that we are certain will not be entertained. Discourses so much out of the road could not avail anything, nor have any effect on men whose minds were prepossessed with different sentiments.

This philosophical way of speculation is not unpleasant among friends in a free conversation, but there is no room for it in the Courts of Princes where great affairs are carried on by authority.”—”That is what I was saying,” replied he, “that there is no room for philosophy in the Courts of Princes.”—”Yes, there is,” said I, “but not for this speculative philosophy that makes everything to be alike fitting at all times: but there is another philosophy that is more pliable, that knows its proper scene, accommodates itself to it, and teaches a man with propriety and decency to act that part which has fallen to his share.

If when one of Plautus’s comedies is upon the stage and a company of servants are acting their parts, you should come out in the garb of a philosopher, and repeat out of ‘Octavia’ a discourse of Seneca’s to Nero, would it not be better for you to say nothing than by mixing things of such different natures to make an impertinent tragi-comedy? For you spoil and corrupt the play that is in hand when you mix with it things of an opposite nature, even though they are much better.

Therefore go through with the play that is acting the best you can, and do not confound it because another that is pleasanter comes into your thoughts. It is even so in a commonwealth, and in the councils of princes; if ill opinions cannot be quite rooted out, and you cannot cure some received vice according to your wishes, you must not therefore abandon the commonwealth, for the same reasons you should not forsake the ship in a storm because you cannot command the winds. You are not obliged to assault people with discourses that are out of their road, when you see that their received notions must prevent your making an impression upon them.

You ought rather to cast about and to manage things with all the dexterity in your power, so that if you are not able to make them go well they may be as little ill as possible; for except all men were good everything cannot be right, and that is a blessing that I do not at present hope to see. According to your arguments,” answered he, “all that I could be able to do would be to preserve myself from being mad while I endeavoured to cure the madness of others; for if I speak truth, I must repeat what I have said to you; and as for lying, whether a philosopher can do it or not, I cannot tell, I am sure I cannot do it.

But though these discourses may be uneasy and ungrateful to them, I do not see why they should seem foolish or extravagant: indeed if I should either propose such things as Plato has contrived in his commonwealth, or as the Utopians practise in theirs, though they might seem better, as certainly they are, yet they are so different from our establishment, which is founded on property, there being no such thing among them, that I could not expect that it would have any effect on them; but such discourses as mine, which only call past evils to mind and give warning of what may follow, have nothing in them that is so absurd that they may not be used at any time, for they can only be unpleasant to those who are resolved to run headlong the contrary way; and if we must let alone everything as absurd or extravagant which by reason of the wicked lives of many may seem uncouth, we must, even among Christians, give over pressing the greatest part of those things that Christ hath taught us, though He has commanded us not to conceal them, but to proclaim on the house-tops that which He taught in secret.

The greatest parts of His precepts are more opposite to the lives of the men of this age than any part of my discourse has been; but the preachers seemed to have learned that craft to which you advise me, for they observing that the world would not willingly suit their lives to the rules that Christ has given, have fitted His doctrine as if it had been a leaden rule, to their lives, that so some way or other they might agree with one another. But I see no other effect of this compliance except it be that men become more secure in their wickedness by it. And this is all the success that I can have in a Court, for I must always differ from the rest, and then I shall signify nothing; or if I agree with them, I shall then only help forward their madness. I do not comprehend what you mean by your casting about, or by the bending and handling things so dexterously, that if they go not well they may go as little ill as may be; for in Courts they will not bear with a man’s holding his peace or conniving at what others do.

A man must barefacedly approve of the worst counsels, and consent to the blackest designs: so that he would pass for a spy, or possibly for a traitor, that did but coldly approve of such wicked practices: and therefore when a man is engaged in such a society, he will be so far from being able to mend matters by his casting about, as you call it, that he will find no occasions of doing any good: the ill company will sooner corrupt him, than be the better for him: or if notwithstanding all their ill company, he still remains steady and innocent, yet their follies and knavery will be imputed to him; and by mixing counsels with them, he must bear his share of all the blame that belongs wholly to others.

“It was no ill simile by which Plato set forth the unreasonableness of a philosopher’s meddling with government. If a man, says he, was to see a great company run out every day into the rain, and take delight in being wet; if he knew that it would be to no purpose for him to go and persuade them to return to their houses, in order to avoid the storm, and that all that could be expected by his going to speak to them would be that he himself should be as wet as they, it would be best for him to keep within doors; and since he had not influence enough to correct other people’s folly, to take care to preserve himself.

“Though to speak plainly my real sentiments, I must freely own, that as long as there is any property, and while money is the standard of all other things, I cannot think that a nation can be governed either justly or happily: not justly, because the best things will fall to the share of the worst men; nor happily, because all things will be divided among a few (and even these are not in all respects happy), the rest being left to be absolutely miserable.

Therefore when I reflect on the wise and good constitution of the Utopians, among whom all things are so well governed, and with so few laws; where virtue hath its due reward, and yet there is such an equality, that every man lives in plenty; when I compare with them so many other nations that are still making new laws, and yet can never bring their constitution to a right regulation, where notwithstanding every one has his property; yet all the laws that they can invent have not the power either to obtain or preserve it, or even to enable men certainly to distinguish what is their own from what is another’s; of which the many lawsuits that every day break out, and are eternally depending, give too plain a demonstration; when, I say, I balance all these things in my thoughts, I grow more favourable to Plato, and do not wonder that he resolved not to make any laws for such as would not submit to a community of all things: for so wise a man could not but foresee that the setting all upon a level was the only way to make a nation happy, which cannot be obtained so long as there is property: for when every man draws to himself all that he can compass, by one title or another, it must needs follow, that how plentiful soever a nation may be, yet a few dividing the wealth of it among themselves, the rest must fall into indigence.

[ . . . ]

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(from this document -)

Ideal Commonwealths

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Bibliographic Record
Contributor Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626
Contributor Campanella, Tommaso, 1568-1639
Contributor More, Thomas, Sir, Saint, 1478?-1535
Contributor Plutarch, 46-120?
Editor Morley, Henry, 1822-1894
Title Ideal Commonwealths
Contents Plutarch’s Lycurgus — More’s Utopia — Bacon’s New Atlantis — Campanella’s City of the Sun — A Fragment of Hall’s Mundus Alter et Idem
Language English
EText-No. 18638
Release Date 2006-06-20
Copyright Status Not copyrighted in the United States. If you live elsewhere check the laws of your country before downloading this ebook.
Base Directory /files/18638/


(also – from the same source -)

They have but few laws, and such is their constitution that they need not many. They very much condemn other nations, whose laws, together with the commentaries on them, swell up to so many volumes; for they think it an unreasonable thing to oblige men to obey a body of laws that are both of such a bulk, and so dark as not to be read and understood by every one of the subjects.

They have no lawyers among them, for they consider them as a sort of people whose profession it is to disguise matters, and to wrest the laws; and therefore they think it is much better that every man should plead his own cause, and trust it to the judge, as in other places the client trusts it to a counsellor. By this means they both cut off many delays, and find out truth more certainly: for after the parties have laid open the merits of the cause, without those artifices which lawyers are apt to suggest, the judge examines the whole matter, and supports the simplicity of such well-meaning persons, whom otherwise crafty men would be sure to run down: and thus they avoid those evils which appear very remarkably among all those nations that labour under a vast load of laws. Every one of them is skilled in their law, for as it is a very short study, so the plainest meaning of which words are capable is always the sense of their laws. And they argue thus: all laws are promulgated for this end, that every man may know his duty; and therefore the plainest and most obvious sense of the words is that which ought to be put upon them; since a more refined exposition cannot be easily comprehended, and would only serve to make the laws become useless to the greater part of mankind, and especially to those who need most the direction of them: for it is all one, not to make a law at all, or to couch it in such terms that without a quick apprehension, and much study, a man cannot find out the true meaning of it; since the generality of mankind are both so dull, and so much employed in their several trades, that they have neither the leisure nor the capacity requisite for such an inquiry.