, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,


** My Note –

I was trying to find how these heathens got their foot in the door of the White House in the first place and found a lot of very interesting things including a lot more than I ever wanted to know about the US government . . .

[9]In the 1960s, the DCI’s staff believed that PFIAB was becoming in part a rival to, rather than an overseer of, the DCI and the community. A particular complaint was that it did not share with the DCI all the reports it received or produced and therefore was not helping him to understand issues as well as it might. Nixon’s early pronouncements on PFIAB thus helped to perpetuate a preexisting perception.

[7]Analysts are brought into community management projects when it is necessary to describe the targets of intelligence, i.e., the foreign environment in which the United States has to act. They are charged with understanding foreign events and trends, and they serve as surrogates for the policy community consumers of intelligence products, whose information needs in the end guide what intelligence professionals do.

Helms’s successor was none other than James Schlesinger, the administration insider whose recommendations for a stronger DCI community leadership role had played a large role during Helms’s last two years in office. Schlesinger would now have the opportunity to try and fulfill expectations he had helped raise that the DCI could, in fact, manage the beast of spiraling intelligence expenditures.

[3]The DCI’s ability to keep imagery activities under review was better than his capacity to oversee SIGINT. For imagery, CIA’s involvement in the development of major imagery satellite systems and administrative control over NPIC provided the DCI with considerable knowledge about, and advocacy for, imagery programs. Although CIA was involved in SIGINT satellite development, most signals processing and exploitation took place within NSA, an agency the DCI did not administer or staff, and OSD played an active executive agent role with respect to SIGINT.

[4]One difficulty with such a system is its dependence on voluminous inputting and presentation of data. This sometimes causes resentment among those who have to amass and array the inputs, and the users of such a product often have trouble discerning the implications of the data for program decisions.

[8]In January 1969, Bross sent Helms a report on the organization of CIA and the community. It prescribed a “stand pat” stance regarding organizational matters and recommended trying to divest national intelligence budgets of their tactical military programs as much as possible.
Historical Document
Posted: Mar 16, 2007 08:48 AM
Last Updated: Jun 27, 2008 12:28 PM
Last Reviewed: Apr 24, 2007 04:50 PM



Conservative Digest begins publication at Washington, D.C., under the aegis of direct-mail veteran Richard Viguerie to promote a right-wing agenda (see 1965). Now 41, Viguerie has organized political action committees that have secured the election of congressmen and senators sympathetic to his views; he will whip up indignation at Supreme Court rulings such as the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision and encourage religious fundamentalists to involve themselves in politics.



November 10 – United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379: By a vote of 72-35 (with 32 abstentions), the United Nations General Assembly approves a resolution equating Zionism with racism. The resolution provokes an outcry among Jews around the world.

# November 3 – An independent audit of Mattel, one of the United States’ largest toy manufacturers, reveals that company officials fabricated press releases and financial information to “maintain the appearance of continued corporate growth.”

# November 3 – The first petroleum pipeline opens from Cruden Bay to Grangemouth, Scotland.
# November 29 – The name “Micro-soft” (for microcomputer software) is used by Bill Gates in a letter to Paul Allen for the first time (Microsoft becomes a registered trademark on November 26, 1976).

# November 29 – While disabled, the submarine tender USS Proteus (AS-19) discharges radioactive coolant water into Apra Harbor, Guam. A Geiger counter at 2 of the harbor’s public beaches shows 100 millirems/hour, 50 times the allowable dose.


# December 8 – New York City is approved for bailout of 2.3 billion each year through to 1978.So 6.9 billion total.

# December 21 – Six people, including Carlos (the Jackal), kidnap delegates of an OPEC conference in Vienna.

# December 29 – A bomb explosion at LaGuardia Airport kills 11.


[If the house is a rockin’ – don’t come a knockin” – song on cnbc “am business news – squawk box 6.40 break – played almost the whole song] – 03-11-09 (Nifty!)

Carlos (the Jackal)

Ilich Ramírez Sánchez (born October 12, 1949(1949-10-12)) is a Venezuelan-born leftist revolutionary. After several bungled bombings, Ramírez Sánchez achieved notoriety for a 1975 raid on the OPEC headquarters in Vienna, resulting in the death of three people. For many years he was among the most wanted international fugitives. He is now serving a life sentence in Clairvaux Prison in northeast France.

He was given the nom de guerre Carlos when he became a member of the leftist Popular Front for Liberation of Palestine (PFLP). Carlos was given the “Jackal” moniker by the press (The Guardian) when the Frederick Forsyth novel The Day of the Jackal was reportedly found among his belongings. Although the book actually belonged to someone else, the nickname stuck.

Ramírez Sánchez was born at the Razetti birth clinic in Caracas, Venezuela.[1] Despite his wife’s pleas to give their firstborn child a Christian first name, Ramírez Sánchez’s father, a Marxist lawyer, gave him the forename Ilich, after Lenin’s patronym (two younger siblings were named “Lenin” and “Vladimir”).[2] He was educated at a local school in Caracas and joined the youth movement of the national communist party in 1959. Apart from his native Spanish, he reportedly speaks Arabic, Russian, English and French. After attending the Third Tricontinental Conference in January 1966 with his father, it was said that Ramírez Sánchez spent the following summer at Camp Matanzas, a guerrilla warfare school run by the Cuban DGI located near Havana.[3] Later that year, after the divorce of his parents, his mother took him and his brother to London to continue their studies in Stafford House College in Kensington and the London School of Economics. In 1968 his father tried to enroll him and his brother Lenin at Sorbonne University but eventually opted for Patrice Lumumba University in Moscow. He was expelled from the university in 1970.



September 22 – U.S. President Gerald Ford survives a second assassination attempt, this time by Sara Jane Moore in San Francisco.

Apr30      End of Vietnam war as South Viet-Nam is taken by the North Vietnamese

Jul29      Gerald Ford  becomes first US President to visit Auschwitz Poland

# September 5 – The London Hilton hotel is bombed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army; 2 people are killed and 63 injured.[1]

August 8 – The Banqiao Dam, in China’s Henan Province, fails after a freak typhoon; over 200,000 people perish.

August 5 – U.S. President Ford posthumously pardons Robert E. Lee, restoring full rights of citizenship.

August 1 – The Helsinki Accords, which officially recognize Europe’s national borders and respect for human rights, are signed in Finland.

July 17 – Apollo-Soyuz Test Project: An American Apollo and Soviet Soyuz spacecraft dock in orbit, marking the first such link-up between spacecraft from the 2 nations.

# September 14 – Rembrandt’s painting “The Night Watch” is slashed a dozen times at the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam.

# September 6 – A Richter Scale 6.7 magnitude earthquake kills at least 2,085 in Diyarbakir and Lice, Turkey.

# September 5 – The London Hilton hotel is bombed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army; 2 people are killed and 63 injured.[1]

# September 5 – In Sacramento, California, Lynette Fromme, a follower of jailed cult leader Charles Manson, attempts to assassinate U.S. President Gerald Ford, but is thwarted by a Secret Service agent.


August 20 – Viking program: NASA launches the Viking 1 planetary probe toward Mars.

August 11 – Governor Mário Lemos Pires of Portuguese East Timor abandons the capital Dili, following a UDT coup and the outbreak of civil war between UDT and Fretilin.

August 11 – British Leyland Motor Corporation comes under British government control.

July 4 – Sydney newspaper publisher Juanita Nielsen disappears, and is presumed to have been murdered.

June 26 – Two FBI agents and 1 AIM member die in a shootout, at the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota.

June 25 – Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declares a state of emergency in India, suspending civil liberties and elections.

June 19 – Richard Bingham, 7th Earl of Lucan is found guilty in absentia of the murder of nanny Sandra Rivett.

# June 10 – In Washington, DC, the Rockefeller Commission issues its report on CIA abuses, recommending a joint congressional oversight committee on intelligence.

# September 19 – General Vasco Goncalves is ousted as Prime Minister of Portugal.

Jul30     Former U.S. Teamsters Union President James Hoffa was reported missing. He was last seen in the parking lot of the Machus Red Fox restaurant in Bloomfield Township,It is believed that he was subsequently murdered by members of an organised crime syndicate but despite extensive FBI investigations no substantial evidence was found. He was declared “presumed dead” on December 8, 1982.

February 21 – Watergate scandal: Former United States Attorney General John N. Mitchell, and former White House aides H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman, are sentenced to between 30 months and 8 years in prison.

February 13 – Fire breaks out in the World Trade Center.

January 8 – U.S. President Gerald Ford appoints Vice President Nelson Rockefeller to head a special commission looking into alleged domestic abuses by the CIA.

January 1 – Watergate scandal: John N. Mitchell, H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman are found guilty of the Watergate cover-up.

February 23 – In response to the energy crisis, daylight saving time commences nearly 2 months early in the United States.

March 9 – Construction of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System begins.

Aug8     Samuel Bronfman, son of the president of Seagrams, was kidnapped in Purchase,New York, on August 8, 1975. His family paid the $2.3 million ransom, [elsewhere reported to be 4.5 million]. His kidnappers were apprehended soon after in Brooklyn and were convicted for extortion.



His company, Seagram Co. Ltd., became an international distributor of alcoholic beverages, and a diversified conglomerate which included an entertainment branch.

Because of changes to US tax law in the Lyndon Johnson administration it became advantageous for Bronfman to purchase an oil company[3] which he did with the purchase of Texas Pacific Coal and Oil Company in 1963 for $50 million. In 1980, the Bronfman heirs sold the Texas Pacific Oil holdings to Sun Oil Co. for $2.3 billion.[4]

The Seagram assets have since been acquired by other companies, notably General Electric, PepsiCo, Diageo, and Pernod Ricard.

* Bronfman family

Principal Owners of the Washigton Nationals Franchise
Montreal Expos (1969-2004)

In 2008 Charles married for the third time to Bonita Roche in New York City.

From November 1997 until July 2002, Bronfman was the Chairman of the Board of Koor Industries Ltd., one of Israel’s largest investment holding companies. He is the co-chairman of the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada. From 1999 to 2001, Bronfman was the first Chairman of the United Jewish Communities, the merged North American organization comprising United Jewish Appeal, the Council of Jewish Federations and United Israel Appeal. He is a former Co-Chairman of the Seagram Company Ltd.


Samuel Bronfman, CC (February 27, 1889 – July 10, 1971) founded Distillers Corporation Limited and a Canadian family dynasty, the Bronfman family. His father grew tobacco and was a grist mill owner in Imperial Russia. His surname, coincidentally, means “liquor man” in Yiddish.

Early life

Born in Soroki, Bessarabia, then part of Imperial Russia but now in Moldova, Samuel was one of eight children of Mindel and Yechiel Bronfman. He and his parents were Jewish refugees of Czarist Russia’s anti-Semitic pogroms[1] who immigrated to Wapella, Saskatchewan — soon moving to Brandon, Manitoba. A wealthy family, they were accompanied by their rabbi and two servants. Soon Yechiel learned that tobacco farming, which had made him a wealthy man in his homeland, was incompatible with the cold Canadian climate. Yechiel was forced to work as a laborer for the Canadian Northern Railway and after a short time moved to a better job in a sawmill. Yechiel and his sons then started making a good living selling firewood and began a trade in frozen whitefish to earn a winter income. Eventually they turned to trading horses, a venture through which they became involved in the hotel and bar business.[2]

In 1903, the family bought a hotel business, and Samuel, noting that much of the profit was in alcoholic beverages, set up shop as a distributor, founding the Distillers Corporation in Montreal in 1924, specializing in cheap whiskey, and concurrently taking advantage of the U.S. prohibition on alcoholic beverages. The Bronfmans found great success bootlegging to the northern cities of the U.S. such as Boston and Chicago during the Prohibition era, while operating from the perimeters of Montreal, Quebec where alcohol production was still legal.

His empire

Bronfman’s Distillers Corporation acquired Joseph E. Seagram & Sons of Waterloo, Ontario, from the heirs of Joseph Seagram in 1928. Bronfman eventually built an empire based on the appeal of brand names developed previously by Seagram – including Calvert, Dewars, and Seven Crown – to higher level consumers. His sales were boosted during the United States’ abortive experiment with prohibition, and he was apparently able to do so while staying within the confines of both Canadian law where prohibition laws had been previously repealed and American law, while dealing with unsavory characters such as the Chicago Outfit of Al Capone.

His company, Seagram Co. Ltd., became an international distributor of alcoholic beverages, and a diversified conglomerate which included an entertainment branch.

Because of changes to US tax law in the Lyndon Johnson administration it became advantageous for Bronfman to purchase an oil company[3] which he did with the purchase of Texas Pacific Coal and Oil Company in 1963 for $50 million. In 1980, the Bronfman heirs sold the Texas Pacific Oil holdings to Sun Oil Co. for $2.3 billion.[4]



& More from 1975 –

Sep28      Members of the Black Liberation Front hold members of staff hostage in what was to become known as the “Spaghetti House” siege (77 Knightsbridge London). After five days the hostages were released unharmed and the abducters arrested

Nov3      First North Sea oil comes ashore [some say 11 June]



The Rockefeller Commission report reveals excesses committed by the CIA, and the president dismisses Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger and CIA director William E. Colby November 2. The Senate confirms former congressman and Nixon administration cabinet member Donald H. (Harold) Rumsfeld, 43, as secretary of defense November 11; the Chicago-born navy air veteran takes office November 20, and his Nebraska-born, Wyoming-raised White House colleague Richard B. (Bruce) Cheney, 34, becomes Ford’s chief of staff, a position he will hold until January 1977. The Church Committee’s hearings go on and will continue for 18 months (see 1976).


The Helsinki Accord formalizes détente between East and West. Adopted August 1 by delegates from 35 nations and the Vatican’s secretary of state, the declaration issued by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) emphasizes the inviolability of frontiers, full support for the United Nations, and mutual respect for “sovereign equality and individuality .” The participants renounce “threat or use of force” and subversion in settling international disputes, but the Soviet Union still has at least 10 armored divisions in Poland (see 1976). Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger meets with China’s anti-Soviet vice premier Deng Xiaoping, 71, at Beijing October 21, Deng denounces the Helsinki agreement in no uncertain terms, and when Kissinger meets with Mao Zedong (Mao Tse-tung) the same day, Chairman Mao asks him about the ownership of the New York Times and Washington Post, making it sound like he may have listened to anti-Semitic conspiracy theorists.

The Energy Policy and Conservation Act of 1976 signed into law by President Ford December 22 sets gasoline mileage standards for automobiles and establishes a Strategic Petroleum Reserve that is to hold 1 billion barrels of oil underground in Louisiana and Texas caverns. The maximum capacity will actually be 727 million barrels, by May 2005 the SPR will have 690.7 million barrels, and its maximum daily draw-down capacity will be 4.3 million.

Discovery of oil and gas in the Pine View Field of Summit County, Utah, near the Wyoming border early in the year focuses attention on the Overthrust Belt, a 2,300-mile-long geological fold stretching from Montana south through Arizona. It will prove to be a major new energy source with an estimated 9.73 trillion cubic feet of natural gas (and possibly more than 20 trillion) plus at least 1 billion barrels of crude oil—30 percent of the crude oil reserves in Alaska’s Prudhoe Bay.

Wall Street’s fixed commission rate ends May 1 by order of the Securities and Exchange Commission. Institutional investors (bank trust departments, insurance companies, and the like) begin negotiating lower rates, some will enjoy rates up to 90 percent lower than those paid at fixed rates, many brokers and dealers will be forced out of business in the next two years or will survive only by merging, and the change will encourage more individual investors to buy mutual funds. The reduction in the cost of doing business will make more money available for investment purposes. Brokerage houses will cut back on services to compensate for the loss in revenue.

The VISA credit card replaces the BankAmericard introduced in 1958 (it has been called VISA in some countries for several years).

New York City narrowly avoids defaulting on its bonds. “FORD TO CITY: DROP DEAD,” headlines the Daily News October 30. Legislation passed by the House of Representatives 275 to 130 December 15 and signed by President Ford December 18 includes a special federal loan of nearly $2 billion for the city.

The Privacy Act of 1974 signed into law by President Ford January 1 gives U.S. citizens the right to request, inspect, and challenge their own federal files; effective September 27, the law bars government agencies from keeping secret records on individuals or collecting information that is not relevant and necessary for them to carry out agency functions. It also provides adequate safeguards to protect records from unauthorized access and disclosure, keeps agencies from sharing information on individuals, and bars them from disclosing personal information except under court order or in certain other limited circumstances (see 1974). President Ford calls former CIA director Richard Helms into the Oval Office January 5 and tells him, “Frankly, we are in a mess.” Helms defends Operation Chaos: “The basic allegation—that we spied on dissidents, stemmed from the charge to me to discover if there was any foreign connection to the dissidents. If you get a name, of course you make a record and open a file in case it is relevant thereafter.” Ford says he plans no witchhunt, “but in this environment I don’t know if I can control it.” He informs Helms that he is appointing a blue ribbon panel headed by Vice President Rockefeller to investigate the agency’s domestic operations. Sen. Frank (Forrester) Church, 50 (D. Idaho) chairs a Senate Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (the House of Representatives also appoints such a committee), CIA director William E. Colby supplies the Church Committee with details of the agency’s efforts to sabotage Chile’s economy, Sen. Goldwater (R. Ariz.) and other right-wing politicians attack Colby for cooperating with the Church Committee.

Nixon cronies John Mitchell, H. R. Haldeman, John Ehrlichman, and Robert Mardian draw prison sentences of up to 8 years each February 21 for their part in covering up White House involvement in the 1972 Watergate break-in.

The Rockefeller Commission report reveals excesses committed by the CIA, and the president dismisses Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger and CIA director William E. Colby November 2. The Senate confirms former congressman and Nixon administration cabinet member Donald H. (Harold) Rumsfeld, 43, as secretary of defense November 11; the Chicago-born navy air veteran takes office November 20, and his Nebraska-born, Wyoming-raised White House colleague Richard B. (Bruce) Cheney, 34, becomes Ford’s chief of staff, a position he will hold until January 1977. The Church Committee’s hearings go on and will continue for 18 months (see 1976).



* December 2 – The communist Pathet Lao takes power in Laos.
* December 3 – The wreck of the HMHS Britannic is found in the Kea Channel by Jacques Cousteau.
* December 8 – New York City is approved for bailout of 2.3 billion each year through to 1978.So 6.9 billion total.
* December 7 – Indonesia invades East Timor.
* December 21 – Six people, including Carlos (the Jackal), kidnap delegates of an OPEC conference in Vienna.
* December 29 – A bomb explosion at LaGuardia Airport kills 11.


* In New Zealand, Maori leader Whina Cooper leads a march of 5,000 people in support of Maori claims to their land.
* The Third Cod War between UK and Iceland lasts from November 1975-June 1976.
* The government of Colombia announces the finding of Ciudad Perdida.
* The Spanish army quits Spanish (Western) Sahara. The Sahrawi Republic (RASD) is created. Morocco invades ex-Spanish Western Sahara.
* The term fractal is first used.
* Victoria (Australia) abolishes capital punishment.
* South Australia becomes the first Australian state to decriminalize homosexual acts between consenting adults.
* Some members of Jehovah’s Witnesses, based on the group’s chronology,[2] believe that Armageddon will happen in 1975 and a few of them sell their houses and businesses to prepare for the new world paradise which they believe will exist when Jesus sets up God’s Kingdom on earth.


* Cold War.


* March 12 – Wrongly convicted murderer Andrew Dufresne escapes from Shawshank State Prison.
* In the film The Omega Man a war involving biological weapons between China and the Soviet Union took place in 1975.


* November 25 – The Irish Republican Army is outlawed in the United Kingdom.
* November 27 – Ross McWhirter, co-founder of the Guinness Book of Records, is shot dead by the Provisional Irish Republican Army for offering reward money to informers.

* November 20 – Former California Governor Ronald Reagan enters the race for the Republican presidential nomination, challenging incumbent President Gerald Ford.

* November 3 – The first petroleum pipeline opens from Cruden Bay to Grangemouth, Scotland.
* November 6 – The Green March begins: 300,000 unarmed Moroccans converge on the southern city of Tarfaya and wait for a signal from King Hassan II of Morocco to cross into Western Sahara.
* November 10 – United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379: By a vote of 72-35 (with 32 abstentions), the United Nations General Assembly approves a resolution equating Zionism with racism. The resolution provokes an outcry among Jews around the world.

* October 2 – A blast at an explosives factory kills 6 in Beloeil, Quebec.
* October 9 – A bomb explosion outside the Green Park tube station near Piccadilly in London kills 1 and injures 20.
* October 11 – NBC airs the first episode of Saturday Night Live (George Carlin is the first host; Billy Preston and Janis Ian the first musical guests).
* October 16 – Five Australian-based journalists are killed at Balibo by Indonesian forces, during their incursion into Portuguese Timor.
* October 22 – 1975 World Series: The Cincinnati Reds defeat the Boston Red Sox 4-3.
* October 27 – Robert Poulin kills 1 and wounds 5 at St. Pius X High School in Ottawa, Canada before shooting himself.

* September 28 – The Spaghetti House siege takes place in London.
* September 30 – The Hughes Helicopters (later McDonnell-Douglas, now Boeing IDS) AH-64 Apache makes its first flight.

* September 22 – U.S. President Gerald Ford survives a second assassination attempt, this time by Sara Jane Moore in San Francisco.

* September 5 – In Sacramento, California, Lynette Fromme, a follower of jailed cult leader Charles Manson, attempts to assassinate U.S. President Gerald Ford, but is thwarted by a Secret Service agent.

* February 28 – A major tube train crash at Moorgate station, London kills 43 people.
* February 28 – In Lomé, Togo, the European Economic Community and 46 African, Caribbean and Pacific countries sign a financial and economic treaty, known as the first Lomé Convention.

* February 9 – The Soyuz 17 crew (Georgi Grechko, Aleksei Gubarev) returns to Earth after 1 month aboard the Salyut 4 space station.
* February 11 – Margaret Thatcher defeats Edward Heath for the leadership of the UK Conservative Party in the United Kingdom.
* February 11 – Colonel Richard Ratsimandrava, President of Madagascar, is assassinated.
* February 13 – A “Turkish Federated State of North Cyprus” is declared as an unsuccessful first step to international recognition of a Turkish Cypriot separatist state in Cyprus.

* January 1 – Watergate scandal: John N. Mitchell, H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman are found guilty of the Watergate cover-up.

* January 7 – OPEC agrees to raise crude oil prices by 10%.

* January 8 – U.S. President Gerald Ford appoints Vice President Nelson Rockefeller to head a special commission looking into alleged domestic abuses by the CIA.





The “Halloween Massacre” is the term associated with the major reorganization of U.S. President Gerald R. Ford’s Cabinet on November 4, 1975. Several prominent moderate Republicans in the administration were replaced by more conservative figures. The changes were:

* Henry Kissinger was fired as National Security Advisor (Kissinger retained his post as Secretary of State), and replaced by General Brent Scowcroft.
* William Colby was fired as Director of Central Intelligence and replaced by Ambassador (and future president) George H.W. Bush.
* James Schlesinger was fired as Secretary of Defense and replaced by Chief of Staff Donald Rumsfeld. Rumsfeld’s deputy and protégé, future Vice President Richard Cheney, moved up to be the Chief of Staff.
* Under pressure from Republican Party conservatives, Vice President Nelson Rockefeller announced that he would not run for re-election as Ford’s running mate in 1976.

Subsequent to these events, Rogers Morton was also replaced by Elliot Richardson as Secretary of Commerce.



In the 1970s, when President Richard Nixon’s policy of detente was under attack by some former military officials and conservative policy intellectuals, Ford administration officials Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld were among those challenging as too soft the CIA’s estimate of Moscow’s military power.

Rumsfeld and Cheney wanted to create a “Team B,” which would have access to the CIA’s data on the Soviets and issue its own conclusions. Cheney, as White House chief of staff, and Rumsfeld, as secretary of Defense, championed Team B, whose members included the young defense strategist Paul Wolfowitz, who a quarter-century later would be one of the chief architects of the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[4]

The new CIA director [Bush] was prompted to authorize an alternative unit outside the CIA to challenge the agency’s intelligence on Soviet intentions. Bush was more compliant in the political winds than his predecessor. Consisting of a host of conservatives, the unit was called Team B. A young aide from the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Paul Wolfowitz, was selected to represent Rumsfeld’s interest and served as coauthor of Team B’s report. The report was single-minded in its conclusion about the Soviet buildup and cleansed of contrary intelligence. It was fundamentally a political tool in the struggle for control of the Republican Party, intended to destroy détente and aimed particularly at Kissinger. Both Ford and Kissinger took pains to dismiss Team B and its effort. (Later, Team B’s report was revealed to be wildly off the mark about the scope and capability of the Soviet military.)[5]


1. ^ Christopher Andrew. For the President’s Eyes Only. Page 424.
2. ^ Dana H. Allin. Cold War Illusions: America, Europe, and Soviet Power, 1969-1989. Page 61.

3. ^ Barry, Tom (February 12, 2004). “Remembering Team B”. International Relations Center. http://rightweb.irc-online.org/analysis/2004/0402teamb.php.
4. ^ Stein, Jeff (October 26 2005). “Bush team sought to snuff CIA doubts Differences over Iraq WMD latest attempt to override agency”. San Francisco Chronicle. http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2005/10/26/MNG62FDUGL1.DTL.
5. ^ Blumenthal, Sidney (November 28 2205). “The Long March of Dick Cheney”. Salon. http://hnn.us/articles/18668.html.

Travb (talk) 08:03, 25 September 2007 (UTC)

Some additional info that might be helpful here; Rumsfeld is identified as a “major player in the original 1976 Team B exercise” by Gordon R. Mitchell, “Team B Intelligence Coups,” Quarterly Journal of Speech 92:2 (May 2006) p. 151. Also, the following from Jason Vest, “Darth Rumsfeld,” The American Prospect 12:4 (Feb 26, 2001) p. 20 is quite useful:

Despite Kissinger’s condemnation of Team B’s assessment, Rumsfeld was effusive in promoting it as a credible study–and thereby undermining arms control efforts for the next four years. Two days before Jimmy Carter’s inauguration, Rumsfeld fired parting shots at Kissinger and other disarmament advocates, saying that “no doubt exists about the capabilities of the Soviet armed forces” and that those capabilities “indicate a tendency toward war fighting … rather than the more modish Western models of deterrence through mutual vulnerability.” Team B’s efforts not only were effective in undermining the incoming Carter administration’s disarmament efforts but also laid the foundation for the unnecessary explosion of the defense budget in the Reagan years. And it was during those years that virtually all of Rumsfeld’s compatriots were elevated to positions of power in the executive branch.

In fact, Team B was formed when the movement commonly mislabelled neoconservative was still in its embryonic stage. RayAYang (talk) 22:28, 28 November 2008 (UTC)

Team B was an epic moment in the short history of the movement, that’s why it was labeled that way I’m sure. I’ll leave the category out until sourcing is established but the point is pretty obvious, and I’m fairly certain a source was given for this quite some time ago. I also believe the other comments you removed (about critics on the right and Mr. Bush) were sourced in a discussion here about a year or two ago but I won’t re-add them unless I find the sources. csloat (talk) 07:42, 29 November 2008 (UTC)

Epic moment? It doesn’t show up in the article on Neoconservatism at all. If it’s relevant, it’s perhaps relevant in the same way that the Chinese Revolution of 1912 was an epic moment in the evolution of Maoism. Maoism could not have happened without the Chinese Revolution, which was a precursor. But a neutral observer of history would not say that the Chinese Revolution was a Maoist event, although many of the people who would later make contributions to Maoism got their start in the Chinese Revolution. Just as the Chinese Revolution predated Maoism, Team B predated the evolution of the modern neoconservative foreign policy establishment, which coalesced during the Reagan Administration. RayAYang (talk) 21:38, 29 November 2008 (UTC)


[Above link Also for link and info provided below]


Many of the very same people who deliberately created the misimpression about Iraq to goad the American people into supporting a war had already executed a run-through of the same strategy in the 1970s. Back then, establishment hardliners associated with the now defunct “Committee on the Present Danger” heaped scorn upon the professional intelligence services for their alleged underestimation of Soviet military capabilities. They succeeded in convincing then-CIA Director, George H.W. Bush, to appoint a now infamous “Team B” to go through the same material and come up with an answer that would justify a vast increase in U.S. defense spending. With the powerful political patronage of then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, its members, including Paul Wolfowitz, came up with astronomical numbers for alleged Soviet military spending and capabilities. As Newsweek’s Farred Zakaria, a moderately conservative war supporter, has observed, “In retrospect, Team B’s conclusions were wildly off the mark.” It argued, for instance, that back in 1976, the Soviets enjoyed “a large and expanding Gross National Product.” It credited them with double the number Backfire bombers the nation could actually produce. It turns out that even the CIA’s much pilloried estimates for Soviet military capabilities were far too generous. Sounding very much as if he were talking about Iraqi WMD capabilities 30 years later, Rumsfeld claimed, “No doubt exists about the capabilities of the Soviet armed forces.” Think Again: Team ‘B’ [3] Travb 00:24, 12 March 2006 (UTC)


[I think this part is a “maybe” in its analysis . . .]

Rumsfeld and Cheney began a concerted effort – first secretly and then openly – to undermine Nixon’s treaty for peace and to rebuild the state of fear and, thus, reinstate the Cold War.

And these two men – 1974 Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Ford Chief of Staff Dick Cheney – did this by claiming that the Soviets had secret weapons of mass destruction that the president didn’t know about, that the CIA didn’t know about, that nobody but them knew about. And, they said, because of those weapons, the US must redirect billions of dollars away from domestic programs and instead give the money to defense contractors for whom these two men would one day work.

“The Soviet Union has been busy,” Defense Secretary Rumsfeld explained to America in 1976. “They’ve been busy in terms of their level of effort; they’ve been busy in terms of the actual weapons they ’ve been producing; they’ve been busy in terms of expanding production rates; they’ve been busy in terms of expanding their institutional capability to produce additional weapons at additional rates; they’ve been busy in terms of expanding their capability to increasingly improve the sophistication of those weapons. Year after year after year, they’ve been demonstrating that they have steadiness of purpose. They’re purposeful about what they’re doing.”

The CIA strongly disagreed, calling Rumsfeld’s position a “complete fiction” and pointing out that the Soviet Union was disintegrating from within, could barely afford to feed their own people, and would collapse within a decade or two if simply left alone.

But Rumsfeld and Cheney wanted Americans to believe there was something nefarious going on, something we should be very afraid of. To this end, they convinced President Ford to appoint a commission including their old friend Paul Wolfowitz to prove that the Soviets were up to no good. [2]

San Francisco Chronicle

In the 1970s, when President Richard Nixon’s policy of detente was under attack by some former military officials and conservative policy intellectuals, Ford administration officials Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld were among those challenging as too soft the CIA’s estimate of Moscow’s military power.

Rumsfeld and Cheney wanted to create a “Team B,” which would have access to the CIA’s data on the Soviets and issue its own conclusions. Cheney, as White House chief of staff, and Rumsfeld, as secretary of Defense, championed Team B, whose members included the young defense strategist Paul Wolfowitz, who a quarter-century later would be one of the chief architects of the 2003 invasion of Iraq.[1]


For half a century, Richard Pipes has been one of the world’s foremost scholars of Russia, and a man of political and policy influence as well: In the 1970s, he headed “Team B,” the group directed to challenge the CIA’s assumptions about the Soviet Union (which were wrong). And in the early 1980s, he served on the National Security Council staff of President Reagan. From the time of his birth in Cieszyn, Poland, to now, when he has assumed emeritus status at Harvard, Pipes has lived a rich, meaningful life. Fortunately, he has the ability to recount it, richly and meaningfully.

Robert Novak Slate Magazine October 2, 2003, Thursday Chris Suellentrop


Pipes and his fellow team members concluded that the CIAothough highly well-informed about the quantity and quality of Soviet weapons–understood next to nothing of Soviet intentions. CIA analysts took it for granted that Soviet strategists, like their American counterparts, regarded nuclear weapons as defensive tools designed to deter a potential attack. But Pipes, with his knowledge of the Soviet mindset and the Leninist political tradition, demonstrated that Soviet strategists believed that a nuclear war could be fought and won, and were in the process of creating a nuclear force-structure with an offensive, war-winning capacity. U.S. complacency in the face of these offensive Soviet deployments, Pipes warned, risked “potentially catastrophic consequences.”

Team B’s conclusions confirmed nine years later by Soviet authorities during the final, glasnost phase of Soviet history were widely ridiculed by the usual liberal critics, but they deeply influenced Ronald Reagan’s critique of d’Etente. And when Reagan was elected president in 1980, Pipes was asked to join the National Security Council as the head of its East European and Soviet desk.

Yes, He Has Lived National Review November 24, 2003, Monday Books, Arts & Manners; Volume LV, No. 22 By JAY NORDLINGER Vixi: Memoirs of a Non-Belonger, by Richard Pipes (Yale, 264 pp., $30)

Books in Review;An Indispensable Historian The American Spectator February 2004

Pipes believed that the Sovietologists who dominated Soviet studies were no better than the British appeasers of the 1930s. This conviction lead to his growing political involvement first with Senator Henry “Scoop” Jackson, a leading critic of the Nixon-Kissinger policy of d’Etente; then with the conservative Stanford Research Institute; and then as the chairman of “Team B,” a group of scholars created in 1976 at the behest of the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board. Members of PFIAB had grown increasingly uneasy about the CIA’s complacent evaluation of the Soviet Union’s massive nuclear buildup of the 1970s, and Team B was tasked with developing an alternative analysis.



On the resource side of intelligence, the IRAC had replaced the NIRB, and its work mainly proceeded at staff levels, with Tweedy’s new IC Staff handling the DCI’s equities. By October 1972, the IC Staff had produced a National Intelligence Program Memorandum, to which Secretary of Defense Laird reacted negatively. The staff believed it was the best cut it could make at that time in presenting community programs and costs comprehensively. The USIB welcomed Treasury Department representation at its meetings and continued to operate through its committees and staffs. By January 1973, as Helms’s tenure as DCI was drawing to a close, his IC Staff produced with DOD’s help the National Intelligence Community Planning Guidance for 1975–1980, setting forth overall issues and actions to address them. Helms, in one of his last actions as DCI, forwarded it to Kissinger, noting that it addressed one of the principal goals of the president’s 5 November 1971 memorandum, better community-wide planning.



There remained, as always, ups and downs in the DCI’s relationship at the staff level with DOD. In February 1972, Hall wrote to thank Helms for drawing his attention to the Eaton Report and to a 1969 DCI memorandum to Laird containing recommendations for DOD actions in connection with the report. He was pleased to note how many had been implemented, prompting Helms to pen an internal note to Tweedy asking “can this be true?” The sense conveyed of DOD being in step with DCI preferences was, in fact, too good to be true. Tweedy complained to Helms in June 1972 that a memorandum Hall had sent to Helms that month reporting on the progress he was making getting a handle on intelligence activities within DOD did not reflect the dialogue between their staffs. It purported to respond to a DCI message, Tweedy said, but in substance it did not, and the progress made at the staff level in working out modes of cooperation between the DCI’s office and OSD was, in Tweedy’s opinion, being ignored at the top policy levels of DOD.

By August 1972, Helms wrote to Laird indicating that he was focusing more on defense intelligence programs and their relationship to national ones. He noted that they had come to an accommodation on the “tactical” programs for which he was responsible along with the secretary. He expressed concern, however, that some intelligence activities having only marginal “national” application were funded in national programs (ocean surveillance was his particular concern in this letter). “As I try to take an over-all, cross-program look at the national intelligence effort,” Helms wrote Laird, “I cannot help being concerned over costs and their implication for future years and budgets.”

As he worked to achieve some practical improvements in the year following the Nixon memorandum, Helms felt continual frustration in what he saw as a mismatch of authority and responsibility. In June 1972, he addressed CIA employees in the agency’s auditorium: “One must recognize that in empowering me to take certain actions…I wasn’t given any strength to do them with.” Seconds later, he revised his remark: “I used a moment ago the word ‘empowered,’ I want to withdraw that. I wasn’t ‘empowered’ to do anything; I was asked to do certain things.” This coda continued to the end of Helms’s time as DCI.



[But it sounds a lot more like these things than it should at this point – my note]

In the case of counterterrorism, we found that the DCI’s 1998 memorandum declaring war on al-Qaeda was not matched with sufficient action in part because no single individual or agency had the authority to overcome any of these problems.

We found that diffuse responsibility led to diffuse accountability and therefore less than effective action.  Rep. Hale Boggs of Louisiana, commenting on the inherent difficulties of the DCI’s responsibilities during a joint hearing of the Senate Armed Services Committee in 1947, expressed this principle quite well when he said, “I just cannot quite see how the man is going to carry out his functions there without a great deal of confusion, and really more opportunity to put the blame on someone else than there is now.”

We found that the best way to address these problems and prevent another 9/11 would be through the creation of a DNI who would (1) oversee national intelligence centers and (2) manage the national intelligence program and the agencies that contribute to it.  We recommended that the DNI, rather than the DCI, become the president’s intelligence advisor.  We recommended that the DNI submit a unified national intelligence budget that reflected the NSC’s identified priorities and be able to apportion the appropriations as he saw fit. And we recommended that the DNI be granted the power to set personnel, information security, IT and information sharing standards.

In short, we recommended the creation of a “powerful CEO who has significant control over how money is spent and can hire or fire leaders of the major divisions, assisted by a relatively modest staff,” rather than a symbolic position along the lines of a “czar.”

Having examined how the DNI came to be and what it was intended to be, we must now take a hard look at how this concept has worked in practice.

Some Progress

Civilian Joint Duty

Similar to the Goldwater-Nichols joint service requirements, the DNI mandated that intelligence officers seeking to attain senior positions within the community must complete a tour of duty with another intelligence agency in order to be promoted.

Spending a year housed in another agency will not immediately prevent the kinds of turf battles that begin at the senior levels of government.  The value of this program, though, lies in breaking down the institutional chauvinism and cultural biases at the working levels of intelligence agencies.  As they have in the military, these rotations can provide the opportunity for intelligence officers to gain an appreciation of the community as a whole. By ensuring that only those who have gained an appreciation for the needs of the community as a whole and not just those of fragmented agencies reach the senior levels of its agency, this program should go a long way towards ensuring jointness at all levels of the community.

Cooperation with the Department of Defense

In May, DNI McConnell and Secretary of Defense Robert Gates signed a memorandum of agreement establishing the Undersecretary of Defense for Intelligence as the Director of Defense Intelligence inside the office of the DNI.  The Memorandum does not change the responsibilities of the Director of Defense Intelligence nor does it change statute.  It does, however, provide the appropriate prism for this and future holders of the position to view their responsibilities.

It is also symbolic of the greater cooperation between the Department of Defense and Director of National Intelligence in recent months.  The value of close coordination between these two for unity within the intelligence community cannot be understated.  For decades, the presence of so many large budget intelligence agencies within the Department placed 85 percent of the intelligence budget outside the control of the Director of Central Intelligence.  Conflicting organizational priorities between the Secretary and Director represented perhaps the greatest obstacle to a unified intelligence community.  The relative lack of tension recently bodes well for the development of a unified community.

Though the development is encouraging, it should be noted that much of this progress seems to be the product of personalities rather than institutions.  At some point in the future, the offices of the Secretary and the Director will be occupied by others with perhaps less similar views on the assignment of intelligence priorities.  Nonetheless, the value of institutional precedent to an organization still in its formative stages should not be discounted.

Lacking Progress

A Growing DNI

When the 9/11 Commission first recommended the creation of a Director of National Intelligence, we specified that the organization should consist of a “several hundred.”  Since then, I understand that the number of DNI personnel has grown substantially beyond what we envisioned.

There is no exact “magic number” beyond which growth in ODNI becomes  too large.  Excessive growth in the size of the DNI can indicate activities that threaten to undermine the goals of the position.  Part of the reason the Commission recommended a DNI was to eliminate the waste, redundancy and inefficiency associated with redundant activity across agencies.  Overlapping activities aren’t simply wasteful, but can reduce the effectiveness of intelligence at levels of the intelligence cycle, from collection to distribution.  We envisioned that the DNI would manage and coordinate these activities, involving itself as a coordinator and manager, rather than an executor.


According to several recent reports, the number of contract personnel in the intelligence community has grown radically since 9/11.  Contracting in and of itself is not necessarily an indicator of problems.  When used correctly, it can increase the efficiency of non-inherently governmental functions and save taxpayers money.  However, several reports indicate that the scope of its practice, both within the intelligence community and ODNI itself, has outstripped the intended purpose.  A Senate investigation into community contracting found those working in contracted positions on average earn significantly large than their governmental counterparts performing similar work.  Moreover, the excessive and ill-managed use of contractors can lead to breakdowns in accountability.

The DNI has indicated that it plans to gain a better handle on the use of contract personnel.  Congress must make sure that the Director’s office develops an adequate definition of inherently governmental functions and rigorously adhere to it.  It should also make sure that the use of contract personnel, as with other employees, proceeds from well thought out plans to support defined goals.

Personnel Diversity

To its credit, the ODNI made diversity and language capability a critical part of its 100 and 500 day plans.  Some progress has been made.  Approximately 27 percent of the 2007 National Clandestine Service class is, according to its former Director, consists of minorities—a doubling of the percentage from last year.  In my discussions with many current and former members of the community, though, the most consistent message given to me is that the reality has not yet caught up with the many ambitious plans, statements and intentions.

There are many ways that the DNI can achieve the kind of intelligence community workforce that America needs.  Outreach efforts to America’s many ethnic communities are important.  By and large, immigrants to the United States are patriotic and willing to serve their country in its national security services.  Unfortunately, we simply haven’t let enough of them do it.  Many honorable, trustworthy and critically skilled personnel are still denied entrance to the community because some judge the very backgrounds that make them so valuable beyond consideration.

Director McConnell has labeled this a cultural issue, rather than a legislative problem.  Insofar as Director McConnell considers this an internal DNI matter, he is maximally responsible for addressing it.  In my opinion, the DNI must be forceful in his dealings with clearance adjudicators to convey the grave obstacle such bad habits pose for obtaining the security America needs.  Absent executive action, I would very much recommend greater attention from Congress on the matter.

Trusting a greater number of recruits with foreign ties with access to sensitive national security information entails certain risks.  But in an era of fast-moving, global and potentially catastrophic threats to the United States, the price of an untranslated intercept or a terrorist cell not penetrated, I would argue, is much higher.

One of the greatest assets the United States has in its foreign policy arsenal is the diversity of its own people.  Our policies may make us misunderstood throughout the world, but those who live her know us best and like us the most.  The intelligence community’s ability to leverage America’s competitive advantage of diversity is one of the most important metrics by which you can evaluate the performance of this and future DNIs.

Information Sharing

If information isn’t shared properly between the relevant federal agencies as well as with the relevant state and local officials, it rendered nearly useless.  As Director McConnell has stated the intelligence community must move from a mindset of “need to know” to one of “responsibility to provide.”  It must see itself as “data providers” rather than “data owners.”

Intelligence sharing happens on two levels—horizontally between federal agencies and vertically from the federal level to the state and local level.  This process is hindered by issues of technical incompatibility but also by policy and cultural concerns.  Steps have been taken in these areas, such as the creation of the Information Sharing Environment Program Manager.  A GAO report last year found a lack of government-wide consistencies in the sensitive but unclassified designations, making it difficult to ensure that all relevant consumers are privy to particular pieces of information.  According to the Silberman-Robb commission, many IC leaders named “information sharing” as their first priority for reform.  I urge you to keep it as one of yours, too.

A Work in Progress


In their version of the most recent authorization bills, the House and Senate intelligence committees took differing views on the scope of authorities that Congress should grant the DNI.  This committee took a more skeptical view, hoping that the Director would exercise the authorities he has more often before he received new ones.

I share this committee’s view that the language of the 2004 IRTPA affords the Director much leeway in his authorities and that Director McConnell should take better advantage of this more often.  Precedent, as I have said, is a crucial determinate for the direction of a new agency, and in the absence of its exercise, such authorities could wither.


Institutionally and in terms of personnel, the current intelligence community is relatively young.  Many of the organizations and relationships that define its operations were created within the past few years.  Even more of the workforce that staffs these agencies is young, too.  Sixty percent of the community’s analysts have five years of experience or less.  This offers both advantages and disadvantages.

Young institutions, much like inexperienced workers, are prone to mistakes.  They lack the benefit of experience and require time and expert guidance in order to assume their full potential.  Fortunately, they can also act as a tabula rasa for policymakers.  Absent much of the Cold War’s institutional and cultural baggage, today’s intelligence community contains a much greater potential for change.

Leadership in the executive branch is required to mold the community and smooth out its mistakes.  The fact remains that the most powerful words one can utter in Washington are “you’re fired” and “here’s the money.”  In order for the DNI to set the community’s direction properly, he needs to fully exercise his powers over the intelligence budget.

This applies to the Congress as well as to the executive branch.  The DNI does not bear complete responsibility for the performance of the community.  Congress, the Constitution informs us, is the first branch of the United States’ government, wielding great influence in the form of appropriations power.  The intelligence committees have been strengthened by the creation of the House Select Oversight Panel on Intelligence Appropriations.  More than any intelligence committee before, you have the attention of the intelligence community.  Thus, more than any intelligence committee before, you are responsible for a portion of its successes and failures.

The Chinese character for crisis, as the cliché goes, also contains the word for opportunity.  9/11 and the failure of WMD intelligence on Iraq created a crisis in the intelligence community that allowed for a period of long overdue reform.  I urge you to be mindful that, for as pliable as the intelligence community may be at this point, the window for change is closing rapidly.  The community’s formative period will not last long and action—quick action—will determine whether or not the DNI’s current mistakes form its institutional character in the decades to come.

As I did at the outset of my remarks, I would again like to commend this Committee and this Congress for recognizing the changes that need to be made in the intelligence community in order to make our country safer.

Thank you.



** MY Note –

from an earlier time –




Vernon Anthony Walters

Lieutenant General, US Army


  • 2 May 1972–2 July 1976
  • Acting Director of Central Intelligence, 2 July–4 September 1973


3 January 1917, New York, New York


Stonyhurst College, England


2 March 1972 by Presidend Richard M. Nixon; confirmed by Senate, 10 April 1972; sworn in, 2 May 1972


  • Entered US Army, 2 May 1941
  • Member, NATO Standing Group, Washington, 1955-60, with additional duties as staff assistant to President Eisenhower and interpreter to the President, Vice President, and senior State Department and Defense Department officials
  • Army Attache, Italy, 1960-62; Brazil, 1962-67; Defense Attache, France, 1967-72
  • Promoted to Lieutenant General, March 1972


  • Private consultant and lecturer, 1977-81
  • Ambassador at Large, 1981-85
  • Ambassador to the United Nations, 1985-88
  • Ambassador to Federal Republic of Germany, 1989-91
  • Private consultant and lecturer since 1991
Historical Document
Posted: Mar 19, 2007 09:37 AM
Last Updated: Jul 07, 2008 11:11 AM

Last Reviewed: Mar 19, 2007 09:37 AM



At the same time, he held out little hope for better outside evaluation: “we may have a real problem in effectively carrying out the NSCIC task of providing a continuing review of the Intelligence Community product.” The NSCIC working group had met six times in its first year of operation, and it still seemed, as one internal memorandum noted, to be “feeling its way.”

On the resource side of intelligence, the IRAC had replaced the NIRB, and its work mainly proceeded at staff levels, with Tweedy’s new IC Staff handling the DCI’s equities. By October 1972, the IC Staff had produced a National Intelligence Program Memorandum, to which Secretary of Defense Laird reacted negatively. The staff believed it was the best cut it could make at that time in presenting community programs and costs comprehensively. The USIB welcomed Treasury Department representation at its meetings and continued to operate through its committees and staffs. By January 1973, as Helms’s tenure as DCI was drawing to a close, his IC Staff produced with DOD’s help the National Intelligence Community Planning Guidance for 1975–1980, setting forth overall issues and actions to address them. Helms, in one of his last actions as DCI, forwarded it to Kissinger, noting that it addressed one of the principal goals of the president’s 5 November 1971 memorandum, better community-wide planning.

End Game


The main area of improvement sought in the OMB paper was earlier and more comprehensive program planning guidance by the DCI. This built upon the DCI’s already recognized role in setting requirements and Helms’s planning initiative in 1969. OMB felt, however, that the DCI’s guidance had to be wider and come earlier in the DOD budget process for it to be effective. A second major area of improvement sought was for the DCI to obtain and use more information from DOD intelligence program chieftans: “The DCI,” it stated, “will need to seek information which in the past has not normally been available” during his program reviews. It pleaded for more analysis in the CIPB that related resources to objectives and that related how progress was being made toward the president’s broad goals of better products and more controlled costs.

Slow Progress

In response to Kissinger’s request for a six-month progress report, Helms emphasized bureaucratic mechanisms and studies as the major accomplishments. He reported that his stronger IC Staff now included an NSA officer and others from outside CIA and was participating “on a fairly intimate basis” in the planning and budgetary activities of the various intelligence programs. He noted that the NSCIC had held its initial meeting and set up under his community deputy a working group, which was drawing up a program and doing product and post-mortem community performance reviews. Similarly, the IRAC had held an initial meeting and established a working group that was busy identifying major issues for study, especially in the area of collection. Finally, his staff was proceeding apace in gaining new information and involvement in “supervision of the community.” He reminded Kissinger that progress depended heavily on DOD cooperation, however, and that improvement would be “an evolutionary process for quite a considerable period.”


Henry A. Kissinger
Henry A. Kissinger personal relations:
Michael R. Bloomberg – friend
Christopher Hitchens – criticized by
Nancy M. Kissinger – spouse
Brent Scowcroft – friend
Other current Henry A. Kissinger relationships:
American Friends of Bilderberg – director
Aspen Institute – lifetime trustee
Atlantic Council of the United States – director
Center for Strategic and International Studies – trustee
Financial Services Volunteer Corps – director
Horatio Alger Association – member
Institute of International Education – trustee
International Rescue Committee – overseer, trustee
Kissinger Associates, Inc. – founder
Metropolitan Museum of Art – trustee emeritus
Nobel Foundation – Nobel peace prize winner
Paley Center for Media – trustee
Henry A. Kissinger past relationships:
2007 Libby perjury trial – wrote letter of support
2008 Bilderberg conference – participant
L. Paul Bremer III – special assistant
Ann Fleischer – spouse
Gerald R. Ford administration – national security adviser & secretary of state
Harvard University – professor
International House – chairman
Kissinger McLarty Associates – co-founder
Richard M. Nixon administration – national security adviser
Brent Scowcroft – assistant
U.S. Department of State – secretary of state
World Economic Forum 2008 – attendee



Both DOD leaders and the DCI were concerned with the pointed inclusion of “tactical” intelligence programs among those to be reviewed and included in the budget to be prepared by the DCI. The NSCIC had discussed this issue at its first meeting on 3 December 1971, and Helms and George Shultz, the director of OMB, had talked about it as well on 14 December. In early January 1972, Helms shared with Secretary of Defense Laird a paper exploring the issue that had been coordinated with OMB and shared with Hall. Neither the DCI nor the secretary was fully on board on this provision of the president’s decision. The basic reason for its inclusion apparently was to not allow the Pentagon to evade the DCI’s centralized review of intelligence programs by labeling them as “tactical.” By the spring of 1972, however, the DCI was ready to report that OMB had agreed that “tactical” intelligence programs did not include clearly organic, tactical elements needed by combatant commands and units when there was no “national” intelligence involved.

OMB remained intently involved in the whole issue of DCI leadership of the community. In March 1972, Shultz sent the DCI an 11-page, single-spaced staff paper telling him what he needed to do to prepare the new Consolidated Intelligence Program Budget (CIPB) and promised to work with the DCI to help him carry out his new budget responsibility. The paper explained that DOD did not, in fact, have a centralized budget process for intelligence and thus gave an impression of hopefulness that the new DCI-led process would assist DOD in improving its own intelligence budgeting.


DOD also responded to the president’s November 1971 decision. It issued a press release noting the appointment of a new assistant secretary of defense (intelligence), Albert C. Hall, making it clear that this step resulted from long study within DOD including the Froehlke and Fitzhugh reports as well as from the president’s decision. DOD also stated that either Deputy Secretary Packard or Hall would represent DOD on the new IRAC (the president’s decision had confirmed DIA’s continuing membership on USIB). Finally, it promised “full cooperation and coordination” with DCI Helms as he moved to meet his new Intelligence Community leadership responsibilities.


Helms also had to help the president tend to brushfires in Congress caused by the new directive. Some senators were irked that they had not been consulted prior to the executive branch decision, and they posed questions about various aspects of it. Senator John Stennis (D-MS), the powerful head of the Armed Services Committee, questioned whether giving the DCI’s deputy greater responsibility for CIA would lead to a military takeover of the agency (the DDCI was a military officer, Lt. Gen. Robert Cushman, USMC): “I don’t want the military running the CIA any more than I would want Helms commanding an army in the field.” Helms pacified Stennis on this point and helped to satisfy other concerns of this sort in supporting the president’s action.

Within the 30 days specified in the president’s memorandum, the DCI responded as requested on the issues of how he would delegate more CIA duties to his deputy and build up his community staff. He attached a generalized delegation of all authorities to his deputy that he promised to execute as soon as the prospective new DDCI was on board and ready to assume expanded duties (Cushman left office on 31 December 1971 and was not replaced by Lt. Gen. Vernon Walters, USA, until 2 May 1972). He also attached an organization chart for his new “Intelligence Community Staff,” which he described in a page-long paragraph summarizing its branches and their duties.



My note – This part is the ridiculous part – like a circle within a circle of a circle except that it all has to do with “budgeting,” and determining resource allocations by budgetary considerations rather than by tactical or logistical needs –

In the 5 November 1971 memorandum, which was addressed to the heads of the departments represented on USIB, the president laid out the overall objectives he had noted in his letter to the DCI and spelled out various aspects of improved DCI leadership in a section entitled “The Necessary Conditions.” These referred to some specific bureaucratic changes (strengthened DCI staff, two DCI-chaired committees, revised NSCIDs and DCIDs) but were otherwise rhetorical, exhorting the DCI to “assume overall leadership of the community” and play “a major role” in resolving community issues and urging that DOD’s programs “come under more effective management and coordination with other intelligence programs.” Nixon acknowledged that he and other consumers of intelligence needed to provide the DCI with a “more effective review” of intelligence products and policies, and he gave the DCI 30 days to come up with a plan for delegating his CIA responsibilities and for strengthening his community affairs staff.

The practical decisions conveyed in the memorandum mainly dealt with resource management issues. Foremost, the DCI was to prepare and submit each year “a consolidated intelligence program budget, including tactical intelligence.” To help him do this, the president created a new Intelligence Resources Advisory Committee (IRAC), to be chaired by the DCI and comprising members from defense, state, OMB, and CIA. He also “reconstituted” USIB, directing that the DCI continue to chair it and adding Treasury Department representation to it.

To provide improved review and guidance from senior consumers, he created a new NSC Intelligence Committee (NSCIC), to be chaired by his assistant for national security affairs, with the number twos from state and defense joined by the attorney general, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, and the DCI as members. Finally, he directed the creation of a new Net Assessment Group in the NSC staff to review intelligence products and compare foreign and US capabilities.

The memorandum also dealt with several DOD intelligence issues, directing the creation of a unified National Cryptologic Command under the director of NSA, a consolidated Defense Map Agency, and single Defense Investigations Office. It directed the retention of DIA to respond to JCS tasking, endorsed the existing DCI-chaired NRO management structure, and authorized the DCI to call upon departments to provide the information and participation needed to make the community mechanisms effective (why the president did not himself direct the departments to provide this support is not clear).

All in all, the presidential action of November 1971 aimed at making the DCI a better manager of the Intelligence Community. The necessity of spelling out specific details of bureaucratic arrangements in the presidential memorandum reflected the continuing status of a DCI who could not make such decisions himself because he had no greater authority than he did previously. The positive side of that fact was that national intelligence was still of high-level concern, and the formation of the new NSC committee promised a future dialogue between intelligence professionals and consumers of their products and services.

The negative side was that Helms was given strong rhetorical support from the topmost level without any practical help other than renamed committee chairmanships and a larger staff. The new element of DCI responsibility for a single consolidated community budget was in a sense the most important change, whether or not the “tactical” intelligence component of it was ever achieved, and the White House press release placed first in the list of anticipated improvements “an enhanced leadership role for the Director of Central Intelligence.” Nixon had announced new expectations for the DCI and had served a clearly labeled “Resource Manager” ball into the DCI’s court.



My note – but all this is the background of the turf wars that we have all watched and endured since, plus a lot of the reasons why now, the subcontractor/ contracting facilities are given full reign which no longer necessitates the resource allocations by constraints of policy or “running turf wars between agencies.” However, the outside systems are more inclined to be influenced by the politics and engage of emphasis in the moment than in previous systems, even those “in-house” among government agencies, due to the fact that their [contractors / subcontractors] continued monetary sustenance and continuing corporate survival depends upon it.

– cricketdiane, 03-11-09


In 1975, PFIAB members asked CIA Director William Colby to approve the initiative of producing comparative assessments of the Soviet threat. Colby refused, stating it was hard “to envisage how an ad hoc independent group of analysts could prepare a more thorough, comprehensive assessment of Soviet strategic capabilities than could the intelligence community.”[11] Colby was removed from his position in the Halloween Massacre; Ford has stated that he, himself, made the decision alone,[12] but the historiography of the “Halloween Massacre” appears to support the allegations that Rumsfeld had successfully lobbied for this.[13]

The organization chosen by the Ford administration to challenge the CIA’s analysis was the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB).

When George H. W. Bush became the Director of Central Intelligence in 1976 the PFIAB renewed its request for competitive threat assessments. Although his top analysts argued against such an undertaking, Bush checked with the White House, obtained a go-ahead, and by May 26 signed off on the experiment.[4]

A team of 16 “outside experts” were to take an independent look at highly classified data used by the intelligence community to assess Soviet strategic forces in the yearly National Intelligence Estimates.[4][14]

There were three teams:

* One studied Soviet low-altitude air defense capabilities,
* One examined Soviet intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) accuracy, and
* One investigated Soviet strategic policy and objectives.

It is the third team, chaired by Harvard University professor Richard Pipes, that ultimately received considerable publicity and is most commonly referred to as Team B.[4]

PFIAB’s Team B was headed by:

* Richard Pipes, a Harvard historian and specialist in Russian history.

Team B’s members included:

* Daniel O. Graham
* Thomas Wolf
* John Vogt
* William Van Cleave[15][16]

Advisors included:

* Foy Kohler
* Seymour Weiss
* Jasper Welch
* Paul Wolfowitz
* Paul Nitze, who also helped to create the Committee on the Present Danger (CPD), the objectives of which were to raise awareness about the Soviets’ alleged nuclear dominance and to pressure the American leadership to close the missile gap.[11][17]

This page was last modified on 11 March 2009, at 01:59.


** My Note – This group is one of the types of “contractors” now –

Interesting that significantly placed Charles Black is its founder – and at one time the Sandy Berger guy was a partner / operating member. –



Civitas Group llc is a premium professional services firm, leveraging the significant security, government, business, and investment experience of the firm’s officers, employees, Advisory Board members and affiliated consultants. Our clients include commercial firms of all sizes seeking to enhance their revenue and bottom line, and also federal, state and local, and international government agencies.

Civitas fully leverages the significant security, government, business, investment and legislative experience of our team.We help our clients to understand the complex and shifting government and commercial homeland and national security environment, assisting them in identifying opportunities and building long-term strategies for growth and success. Civitas also makes equity investments in security-oriented companies with promising technologies where we assess that our unique expertise and insight can add value to a company and rapidly accelerate the company’s growth.


Civitas has assembled the leading multi-disciplinary team focused on the security marketplace. Our employees and advisors have unmatched combined expertise in investment banking, government and business. The complementary knowledge, skills, experience and relationships give Civitas a unique understanding of the security market, its dynamics and investment opportunities.

David Howe
Chief Executive Officer

Penrose “Parney” Albright

Richard Gordon
Managing Director

Brett Lambert
Managing Director

Kirstjen Nielsen
Managing Director & General Counsel*

Mark Shaheen
Managing Director

Michael Warren
Managing Director

David Aidekman

Charles “Chuck” Winwood
Senior Director


Robert Swindell

Penrose “Parney” Albright
Vice Chairman

Charles R. Black
Board Member

Anthony S. Harrington
Board Member

David Howe
Board Member

R. Scott Pastrick
Board Member

Michael Warren
Board Member





[from Karl Rove page link – wikipedia]






Committee on the Present Danger
Hoover Institution
American Enterprise Institute
Project for the New American Century
National Center for Policy Analysis
Republican Leadership Council
Cato Institute
Heritage Foundation
Brookings Institute?
Atlantic Council of the United States

National Center for Policy Analysis
People related to National Center for Policy Analysis:
W. Mike Baggett – director
Don A. Buchholz – director
Harlan R. Crow – director
Pierre S. du Pont – national policy chairman
William J. Gedwed – director
John C. Goodman – president & CEO
John Victor Lattimore Jr. – director
Frederick R. Meyer – director
Henry J. Smith – director
James Cleo Thompson Jr. – director
Jere W. Thompson – director
Michael L. Whalen – director
Raymond E. Wooldridge – director
Robert J. Wright – director
Other current National Center for Policy Analysis relationships:
Castle Rock Foundation – donor
National Center for Policy Analysis past relationships:
Bruce Bartlett – senior fellow



Harlan R. Crow

Harlan R. Crow lives and/or works in
Dallas, TX
Harlan R. Crow personal relations:
Trammell Crow – father
Other current Harlan R. Crow relationships:
American Enterprise Institute – trustee
Crow Holdings – chairman & CEO
George Bush Presidential Library Foundation – trustee
National Center for Policy Analysis – director
Harlan R. Crow past relationships:
2008 Fred Thompson presidential campaign – gave maximum donation
2008 John McCain presidential campaign – gave maximum donation
2008 Rudy Giuliani presidential campaign – gave maximum donation
Progress for America Voter Fund – major donor
Swift Boat Veterans for Truth – major donor
Harlan R. Crow connections, once removed:
Harlan R. Crow is connected to …
Horatio Alger Association >> through Trammell Crow   >> Map it
Trammell Crow Company >> through Trammell Crow   >> Map it
Note: This may be a partial list. Click on the map above to explore more connections.
Harlan R. Crow campaign contributions:
(Donations of $3,000 or more during 2007-2008 cycle)
National Republican Congressional Committee – $28,500 on 6/4/2008
McCain Victory Committee – $27,000 on 6/4/2008
KPAC – $5,000 on 4/10/2007
People for Enterprise Trade and Economic Growth – $5,000 on 6/19/2008
North Carolina Democratic Party – $10,000 on 7/21/2008


Richard M. Nixon administration
Richard M. Nixon administration past relationships:
Spiro Agnew – VP
Richard V. Allen – foreign policy coordinator
Dean Burch – counselor to the president
Richard T. Burress – deputy counsel
Barbara H. Franklin – staff assistant to the president
E. Howard Hunt Jr. – special consultant
Henry A. Kissinger – national security adviser
Melvin R. Laird – counselor for domestic affairs
Richard M. Nixon – president
Peter G. Peterson – assistant to the president
Brent Scowcroft – miltary adviser to the president, assistatant to national security adviser
White House – presidential administration


Brent Scowcroft


Maurice Greenberg was not only the long time Chairman and CEO of American International Group. He is also vice-chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations; good friends with Former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger; and co-Chairman with Kissinger at the Nixon Center, which has four main programs: National Security Studies, Chinese Studies, U.S.-Russia Relations, and Regional Strategy (Middle East, Caspian Basin, and South Asia).

Well apparently this insurance tycoon Mr. Greenberg has serious connections in every part of the world. You might think that Greenberg’s company AIG is an American company. But that is not quite the case at all. American International Group is a mulit-national corporation that helps Wall Steet over leverage itself on a grand scale, while taking advantage of regulatory arbitrage — loopholes — to run a high-stakes, unregulated, casino-like hedge fund operation in America on top of its traditional life insurance business.

We need to know who A.I.G. is bailing out. It’s time for the Wall Street and Washington elite to stop keeping secrets from the American people.



The Congressional Program offers nonpartisan educational programs designed to foster leadership on public policy issues among members of the US Congress.

The Council of World Women Leaders and Ministerial Initiative is a partnership with the Institute that promotes good governance and gender equality and aims to increase the number, effectiveness and visibility of women in top leadership roles.

The Economic Opportunities Program advances strategies that connect the poor and underemployed to the mainstream economy. EOP facilitates participatory learning using applied research to stimulate dialogue and action among funders, policymakers and nonprofit and community leaders about various approaches to poverty alleviation, including self-employment and microenterprise, industry-based employment strategies, and access to capital and credit for low-wealth consumers and communities.

The Education and Society Program identifies emerging policy issues and encourages new initiatives in education among diverse groups of policymakers, practitioners, analysts, and other leaders.

Realizing Rights: The Ethical Globalization Initiative is a partnership of the Aspen Institute, Columbia University, and the Council of International Human Rights Policy whose aim is to put human rights values and principles, such as equity and participation, at the heart of global governance and policy to ensure that the needs of the poorest and most vulnerable are addressed on the global stage. Working in Africa, Realizing Rights: EGI has programs in the areas of health, trade and development, and migration.

The Global Interdependence Initiative commissions research and provides technical assistance to help global issues advocates, experts and communicators engage the American public in dialogue about the challenges and opportunities of an increasingly interdependent world.

The Health, Biomedical Science, and Society Initiative examines societal issues related to health policy, medicine, nutrition and biotechnology through a combination of roundtable discussions, speaker series and public convenings.

The Homeland Security Initiative examines the issues relating to US homeland security, assessing progress made by the US Department of Homeland Security and developing recommendations for making America safer.

The Initiative on Financial Security brings together business executives, elected officials, policy experts, and leaders from the nonprofit community to explore and develop proposals on how low and moderate income Americans can save, invest, and own assets over their lifetime.

The Justice and Society Program convenes leaders from several disciplines and professions to affect national and international policy regarding human rights, international law, transitional justice, and post-conflict multilateral peacekeeping operations.

The Middle East Strategy Group includes prominent American, Palestinian and Israeli business and political leaders committed to developing pragmatic economic and policy initiatives that advance prospects for peace in the Middle East.

The Nonprofit Sector and Philanthropy Program supports research, dialogue, and leadership initiatives on critical issues affecting the nonprofit sector and philanthropy.

The Program on Energy and the Environment brings together leaders in business and government as well as educational, research, and environmental organizations to seek creative solutions to domestic and international policy issues involving energy and environmental sustainability.

The Roundtable on Community Change is a forum in which leaders working to revitalize distressed urban and rural communities can address common problems and share strategies for promoting positive change.

The Socrates Society seminars are designed as a forum for emerging leaders to explore leadership challenges. Participants arrive from industries including finance, government, academia, law, sciences, and nonprofit.

Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aspen_Institute”
Categories: International nongovernmental organizations | Roaring Fork Valley | United States political action committees | Think tanks based in the United States | Foreign policy and strategy think tanks in the United States | Political and economic think tanks in the United States



Catto has held several positions within the United States government. He was the Deputy Representative to the Organization of American States from 1969-1971, Ambassador to El Salvador from 1971 to 1973, the Chief of Protocol of the United States from 1974 to 1976, the Ambassador to the United Nations Office at Geneva from 1976 to 1977, and the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs from 1981 to 1983. In 1989, President George H. W. Bush appointed him as the United States Ambassador to the United Kingdom. He held the position until 1991, when he became the director of the United States Information Agency.

From 1955 to 2000 he was a partner in the insurance brokerage firm Catto & Catto in San Antonio. From 1983-1989, he was vice chairman and president of a broadcast group at H&C Communications, operator of network television stations (Houston, Des Moines, Tucson, Nashville, Orlando-Daytona Beach, San Antonio). In 1999, he was elected chairman of the Atlantic Council of the United States, and in 2007 its Chairman Emeritus.

He is currently a vice chairman of the Aspen Institute,served on the NPR Board from 1995-2001, is currently a member of the Board of the National Public Radio Foundation, and a contributing editor of the American Journalism Review. He has been Diplomat-in-Residence at the University of Texas at San Antonio, former member of the Smithsonian National Board, a current member of the Council on Foreign Relations, and is on the Advisory Council of America Abroad Media.



Frederick Kempe
Fred Kempe, Atlantic Council President
Born     September 5, 1954 (1954-09-05) (age 54)
Nationality     United States
Education     University of Utah
Columbia Graduate School of Journalism
Occupation     CEO, author, journalist

Kempe has been President and Chief Executive Officer of the Atlantic Council since December 1, 2006 and is a Visiting Fellow at Oxford University’s Saïd Business School.

Prior to assuming his position at the Atlantic Council, he spent nearly thirty years with the Wall Street Journal, where he won national and international prizes while serving in numerous management and reportorial capacities—editor, associate publisher, columnist and correspondent. He was most recently assistant managing editor, International, and “Thinking Global” columnist. He was previously for seven years the longest serving editor and associate publisher ever of the Wall Street Journal Europe and was European editor for the global Wall Street Journal from 2002 to 2005, also overseeing Middle Eastern reporting.

[Also author of three books including]

Father/Land, a Personal Search for the New Germany (Putnam, 1999). He is currently working on a fourth on Cold War Berlin.






PIAB chairpersons have been:[7]

* 2006– Stephen Friedman
* 2005 James Langdon, Jr.
* 2001–2004 Lt. Gen. Brent Scowcroft, USAF (Ret.)
* 1997–2001 Hon. Warren B. Rudman
* 1996–1997 Hon. Thomas S. Foley
* 1995–1996 Hon. Warren B. Rudman (Acting)
* 1994–1995 Hon. Les Aspin
* 1993–1994 Adm. William J. Crowe, Jr., USN (Ret.)
* 1991–1993 Adm. Bobby Inman, USN (Ret.) (Acting)
* 1990–1991 Hon. John Tower
* 1982–1990 Amb. Anne Armstrong
* 1976–1977 Mr. Leo Cherne
* 1970–1976 Adm. George Anderson, Jr., USN (Ret.)
* 1968–1970 Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor, USA (Ret.)
* 1963–1968 Mr. Clark Clifford
* 1956–1963 Dr. James Killian

See also

* Team B


PIAB membership is generally considered public information; for example, the Clinton Administration posted the names of the members on a PFIAB web page.[5] In August 2002, Randy Deitering, the executive director of PFIAB, confirmed that current membership of the board was the same as the list released by the White House press office in October 2001:[6]

* Brent Scowcroft, the chair
* Pete Wilson, a former governor of California
* Cresencio S. Arcos, Jr., an AT&T executive and former US ambassador
* Jim Barksdale, former head of the internet company Netscape
* Robert Addison Day, chairman of the TWC Group, a money management firm
* Stephen Friedman, past chairman of Goldman Sachs
* Alfred Lerner, chief executive of MBNA
* Ray Lee Hunt, scion of the Texas oil fortune
* Rita Hauser, a prominent lawyer
* David Jeremiah, a retired admiral
* Arnold Kanter, a national security official in the George H.W. Bush administration and a founding member of the Scowcroft Group
* James Calhoun Langdon, Jr., a power-lawyer in Texas
* Elisabeth Pate-Cornell, Chair of Management Science and Engineering at Stanford University
* John Harrison Streicker, a real estate magnate
* Philip Zelikow, a National Security Council staffer during the George H.W. Bush administration

The PFIAB was created in 1956 by President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Most of the board’s work is secret, but one very public investigation involved the loss of U.S. nuclear secrets to China from the Los Alamos National Laboratory during the 1990s.[2]

Intelligence Oversight Board

President Gerald Ford created the IOB following a 1975-76 investigation by Congress into domestic spying, assassination operations, and other abuses by intelligence agencies. His executive order doing so went into effect on March 1, 1976.[3] In 1993, the IOB became a committee of the PFIAB, under Executive Order #12863.

One of the IOB’s functions is to examine violations of the laws and directives governing clandestine surveillance. Thirteen cases involving FBI actions between 2002 to 2004 were referred to the IOB for its review. [4]

In an executive order issued on February 29, 2008, President George W. Bush terminated the IOB’s authority to oversee the general counsel and inspector general of each U.S. intelligence agency, and erased the requirement that each inspector general file a report with the IOB every three months. The order also removed the IOB’s authority to refer a matter to the Justice Department for a criminal investigation, and directed the IOB to notify the president of a problem only if other officials are not already  adequately  addressing that problem.[3]


Intelligence agencies and organizations of USA
Intelligence Community
Central Intelligence Agency A Air Force Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance Agency A United States Army Military Intelligence A Defense Intelligence Agency A Marine Corps Intelligence Activity A National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency A National Reconnaissance Office A National Security Agency A Office of Naval Intelligence A Coast Guard Intelligence A Federal Bureau of Investigation  A Drug Enforcement Administration A Bureau of Intelligence and Research A Office of Intelligence and Analysis A Office of Terrorism and Financial Intelligence A Office of Intelligence and Counterintelligence
Director of National Intelligence A Strategic Support Branch A National Clandestine Service A National Counterproliferation Center A National Counterterrorism Center A President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board
Office of Strategic Services A Office of Special Plans A Counterintelligence Field Activity

Executive Office of the President of the United States
Council of Economic Advisers  A Council on Environmental Quality A Domestic Policy Council A National Economic Council A National Security Council A Office of Administration A Office of Management and Budget A United States Office of National AIDS Policy A Office of National Drug Control Policy A Office of Science and Technology Policy A Office of the United States Trade Representative A President’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board  A President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board A Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board A USA Freedom Corps A White House Military Office A White House Office
Seal of the President of the United States
Retrieved from  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/President%27s_Foreign_Intelligence_Advisory_Board
Categories: United States federal boards, commissions, and committees | Executive Office of the President of the United States



History of the United States National Security Council 1989–1992

[see above page for link]

Brent Scowcroft
Brent Scowcroft

Scowcroft (center)
9th United States National Security Advisor
In office
1974 – 1977
President     Gerald Ford
Preceded by     Henry Kissinger
Succeeded by     Zbigniew Brzezin’ski
17th United States National Security Advisor
In office
1989 – 1993
President     George H. W. Bush
Preceded by     Colin Powell
Succeeded by     Anthony Lake
Born     March 19, 1925 (1925-03-19) (age 83)
Ogden, Utah
Political party     Republican
Profession     military officer, diplomat
Religion     The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

Scowcroft has chaired or served on a number of policy advisory councils, including the President’s General Advisory Committee on Arms Control, the President’s Commission on Strategic Forces, the President’s Blue Ribbon Commission on Defense Management, the Defense Policy Board, and the President’s Special Review Board (Tower Commission) investigating the Iran-Contra affair. He also serves on the Guiding Coalition of the nonpartisan Project on National Security Reform.

On the morning of 9/11, Scowcroft was in one of the President’s Flying Command posts on the tarmac waiting to takeoff and fly to Offutt Air Force Base, when the first plane hit the tower. The plane was en route when the second plane hit. Scowcroft was involved in observing the command and control operations of both President George W. Bush in Florida and Vice President Dick Cheney who was in the White House. [1]

Prior to joining the Bush administration, Scowcroft was Vice Chairman of Kissinger Associates, Inc. He has had a long association with Henry Kissinger, having served as his assistant when Kissinger was the National Security Adviser under Nixon, from 1968.
Deputy Assistant For National Security Affairs Brent Scowcroft discusses the situation in Vietnam with Vice President Nelson A. Rockefeller and Central Intelligence Agency Director William Colby during a break in a meeting of the National Security Council., 04/24/1975

He is the founder and president of The Forum for International Policy, a think tank. Scowcroft is also president of The Scowcroft Group, Inc., an international business consulting firm. He is a member of the Trilateral Commission, Council on Foreign Relations, a board member of The Center for Strategic and International Studies and The Atlantic Council of the United States[1].

In the course of his military career, Scowcroft held positions in the Organization of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Headquarters of the United States Air Force, and the Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. Other assignments included faculty positions at the United States Air Force Academy and the United States Military Academy at West Point, and Assistant Air Attaché in the American Embassy in Belgrade, Yugoslavia. Scowcroft retired with the rank of Lieutenant General in the U.S. Air Force.



Brent Scowcroft (born March 19, 1925 in Ogden, Utah) was the United States National Security Advisor under Presidents Gerald Ford and George H. W. Bush and a Lieutenant General in the United States Air Force. He also served as Military Assistant to President Richard Nixon and as Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs in the Nixon and Ford administrations. He also served as Chairman of the President’s Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board under President George W. Bush from 2001 to 2005.



Allen is a senior counselor to consulting firm APCO Worldwide and in May 2003 became a member of its “Iraq Reconstruction Task Force,” which the firm created to “help existing and potential clients navigate the complicated bureaucratic terrain of contracts and subcontracts from the United States government to rebuild Iraq” (Council of Public Relations Firms, May 20, 2003). Allen is also a member of the Council for National Policy, the secretive religious right-wing association that includes as members Edwin Feulner Jr., Ed Meese, and Gary Bauer, among many others.

# Hoover Institution: Senior Fellow; Hoover Fellow, 1983-present; Senior Staff Member, 1966-1968
# Center for Strategic and International Studies: Member, Advisory Board; Member, 1978-1982; Cofounder, Senior Staff Analyst, and Research Principal, 1962-1966
# Project for the New American Century: Signatory, Statement on Defense of Taiwan
# Council for National Policy: Member
# Heritage Foundation: Founding Chairman of Asian Studies Center; Former Distinguished Fellow
# Council on Foreign Relations: Studies Committee of the Board, 2001-2002; Korea Task Force Member
# The Nixon Center: Advisory Council
# International Crisis Group (Brussels): Board of Trustees
# U.S. National Committee for Pacific Basin Economic Cooperation: Founding Member
# German-American Tricentennial Foundation: Chairman
# Republican National Committee: Senior Counselor
# American Alternative Foundation: Board of Directors, Vice President
# U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea: Board of Directors
# Freedom House: Member, American Committee for Peace in the Caucasus
# Republican National Committee: Senior Counselor for Foreign Policy and National Security; Republican Platform Committee Senior Policy Adviser in 1984, 1980, and 1976; Former Member, Advisory Council on National Security and International Affairs and Chairman of its Subcommittee on Intelligence
# Committee on the Present Danger: Founding Member
# International Cooperation Fund: Chairman; Director of Political Convention Activities, 1984 and 1988
# International Democratic Union: Vice Chairman, 1983-1988
# Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation: Board of Governors
# Rebuilding Together: National Builder Donation Status ($10,000-$24,999), 1999
# Committee for the Free World: Public Endorsement of CFW’s ads, late 1980s
# National Endowment for Democracy: Participant, Conference on Consolidating Democracy in Taiwan, 1996

Government Service
# Defense Policy Board: Member, November 2001-present
# U.S. Congress: Former Member, National Security Advisory Group; Former Member, Congressional Policy Advisory Board
# Bush Sr. Administration: Task Force on International Broadcasting, 1991-1992
# Reagan Administration: Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, 1981-1982; Chief Foreign and Defense Policy Adviser to Reagan Campaign, 1977-1980
# Nixon Administration: Deputy Assistant to the President for International Economic Affairs and Deputy Executive Director of the Council on International Economic Policy, 1971-1972; Member, President’s Commission on International Trade and Investment Policy (Williams Commission), Early 1970s; National Security Council Senior Staff Member, 1968; Director of Foreign Policy Research for Nixon Presidential Campaign, 1968

Private Sector
# Richard V. Allen Company AEA International Trade and Management Consultants: Former Chairman, Mid-1990s
# Credit International Bank: Chairman, 1988-1991
# Potomac International Corporation: Cofounder and President, 1972-1980

Hoover Institution, “Eight Hoover Fellows Appointed to the U.S. Defense Policy Advisory Board Committee,” Press Release, November 29, 2001.

Elisabeth Bumiller, “The Powers and Puzzles of Richard Allen; The Disappearing ‘Disappearing Act’ of the National Security Adviser,” Washington Post, June 28, 1981.

Jerry Sanders, Peddlers of Crisis: The Committee on the Present Danger and the Politics of Containment (Boston: South End Press, 1983).

Hoover Institution, Bio: Richard V. Allen, http://www.hoover.org/bios/allen.

For media inquiries, email rightweb@publiceye.org or call (617) 666-5300.

Published by the International Relations Center (IRC, online at http://www.irc-online.org). Copyright © 2007, International Relations Center. All rights reserved.

Recommended citation:
Richard Allen,  Right Web Profile (Somerville, MA: International Relations Center, February 2, 2007).


Berger’s China Work Makes Archive Heist Look Tame




Mega Fix


TWA Flight 800



Posted: February 2, 2007

© Jack Cashill

by Jack Cashill

Two weeks back, the Chinese military shocked America by shooting one of China’s aging satellites out of the sky with a ground-based missile. Old as the satellite may have been, it was still up 500 miles in space. This was a scarily impressive bit of saber-rattling.

As it happens, no American played a greater role in the success of that shoot-down than the much-discussed chairman and founder of Stonebridge International, Samuel “Sandy” Berger.

I do not know whether the results pleased Berger, but I cannot imagine a better advertisement for his subsidiary, Stonebridge China. Its boast of being able to penetrate China’s “central government” and “create circles of influence to champion specific business goals” was not an idle one.

Berger knows these circles well. During the Clinton years, according to the New York Times, he served as “the point man for the White House’s China policy.” That policy, unfortunately, had more to do with advancing Bill Clinton’s reelection in 1996 than it did with advancing America’s interests in the world.

By early 1996, with Dick Morris’s dubious anti-Congress ads still running full tilt, President Clinton was polling 53 percent in a conceptual one-on-one against Bob Dole. A year earlier, before Morris’s multi-million dollar ad campaign, Clinton was polling 33 percent in the same imagined race.

During that year, Clinton had done almost nothing presidential to merit the boost. His comeback was a tribute to the powers of unethical advertising, illicit fund-raising, and a quiescent media. Observed Labor Secretary Robert Reich acidly, “The only process we have is Dick Morris.”

Chief among those financing the “process” was Loral Aerospace honcho Bernard “Bernie” Schwartz, a dead-on, real-life incarnation of Catch 22’s Milo Minderbinder.

“Maybe they did start the war,” says the fictional war profiteer Minderbinder, “and maybe they are killing millions of people, but they are paying their bills a lot more promptly than some allies of ours I could name. Don’t you understand that I have to respect the sanctity of my contract with Germany?”

One can hear Schwartz making an almost identical pitch to Bill Clinton. He had purchased the rights to do so. Before this election cycle was over, he would officially donate more than $630,000 in soft money to the DNC, fifty times what he had given in the last presidential election. No Democrat gave more.
In early 1996 Schwartz’s money mattered. The Clintons were just beginning to smell victory. To secure it, they had to continue feeding the TV beast. They had fully ignored all FEC restrictions and were using soft money as though it were hard. Better still, the media had chosen not to see.

In February 1996, Commerce Secretary Ron Brown was dispatched to New York to pick up checks from Schwartz in person. It was the president’s way of signaling his obeisance. For all his failings, it disgusted Brown that Clinton had turned him into little more than a “bagman.”

Schwartz did not make his donations in an informational vacuum. According to the New York Times, “February 1996” represented a moment of keen impasse between warring forces within the Clinton administration. With his generous support, Schwartz surely was hoping to breach the enemy’s defenses.

The enemy in this case was his own Pentagon and intelligence community. Much to Schwartz’s frustration, they were standing firm on the question of commercial satellites.

Given the vital technology contained therein, much of it secret, they had convinced Secretary of State Warren Christopher in October 1995 to keep the satellites on the so-called ‘‘munitions list,’’ an inventory of the nation’s most sensitive military and intelligence-gathering equipment.

Almost immediately, Sandy Berger, then deputy national security advisor, had begun plotting to undermine Christopher. In November 1995 Berger sent a memo to Christopher’s deputy and long time Clinton buddy, Strobe Talbott.

Berger claimed that Ron Brown, who “was far more sympathetic to the satellite makers,” would appeal Christopher’s ruling to Clinton. Clearly, Berger was setting up a paper trail that led directly to the hapless commerce secretary. He then added, as if Talbott needed to be told, ‘‘I, too, have real questions about the wisdom’’ of Christopher’s decision.

Berger, a trade lawyer by profession, had no real foreign policy experience before becoming the number two-man on the National Security Council. Like Talbott at State and Jamie Gorelick at Justice, Berger functioned more or less as the “political officer” within his department.

Still, despite Berger’s machinations, and the president’s obvious support, the serious professionals within the National Security Council, State, and Defense were resisting the wholesale transfer of licensing authority for these satellites to the Commerce Department. Once moved to Commerce, the military feared it would lose veto power over exports.

The president also faced strong resistance from the genuine liberals within the administration. In the margin of a December 1995 document, for example, senior advisor George Stephanopoulos scrawled a vulgar note strongly criticizing the president’s China policy.

Soon after he returned from his New York rendezvous with Schwartz, Brown learned he would be meeting—by order of the White House—with a character by the name of Wang Jun. The sheer bravado of Wang Jun’s petition and the brazenness of the Clintons in welcoming him leave one awestruck.

Wang Jun chaired Poly Technologies, a company controlled by the People’s Liberation Army. According to a Rand Corporation report forced from the U.S. Department of Commerce by a federal lawsuit, one of Poly Technologies’ profit centers was the “importation and distribution of semi-automatic rifles for the U.S. domestic market.”

Between 1987 and 1993, the company and its affiliates sold more than $200 million worth of these guns in the United States. When Clinton piously signed into law the banning of certain semi-automatic weapons in 1994, Poly Technologies only profited. They exploited export loopholes to circumvent the ban and ultimately resorted to old-fashioned smuggling.

On the day of the Wang Jun meeting, February 6, 1996, Brown did not know about Wang Jun’s arms trade. Brown only knew the meeting was to be about satellite export controls.

This makes sense as Wang Jun also owned a huge stake in a Hong Kong satellite company. Brown’s task was to assure the Chinese that America intended to be a most friendly trading partner and if Wang Jun ever had any problems dealing with the United States, he could call Brown directly at anytime.

Brown had little choice in the matter. Later that afternoon, the White House also insisted that he join Wang Jun at an intimate “coffee” with President Clinton. It was an only-in-America kind of moment. Wang Jun, who had cut arms deals with Chinese allies in places like Libya, Iran, Serbia, Iraq, and Afghanistan, now found himself at a cordial private coffee with—of all people—the president of the United States.

This friendly meeting occurred less than four years after Clinton had excoriated the first President Bush for “coddling tyrants” in Beijing and conducting “business as usual with those who murdered freedom at Tiananmen Square.” No matter.

Clinton pal Charlie Trie had greased the Wang Jun meeting with a $50,000 payment. To the president’s humble credit, as the Thompson Committee would later report, he did admit that the meeting with the PLA arms dealer, Wang Jun, was “clearly inappropriate.”

The president did not apologize, however, for signing waivers for four more satellite launches by Chinese rockets on that same February day. The president approved these waivers despite reports the month before that China continued to export nuclear technology to Pakistan and missiles to Iran, the latter deal Wang Jun was suspected of brokering.

Just a week or so after Wang Jun’s excellent Washington adventure, a Chinese Long March 3B rocket carrying the Loral-built Intelsat 708 satellite crashed just after liftoff and killed or injured at least sixty people in a nearby village. This was the third Long March failure in the last three years involving U.S.-built satellite payloads.

The Pentagon welcomed the news of the Chinese failure. With the collapse of the Soviets, the People’s Republic had emerged as America’s most serious potential enemy, and its leaders weren’t afraid to say so.

Just a few months earlier, in fact, a Chinese Military officer had warned American ambassador Chas Freeman, “If you hit us now, we can hit back. So you will not make those threats [about Taiwan].” The officer then proffered the following not so cryptic caveat, “In the end you care more about Los Angeles than you do about Taipei.”

American technical advice was making these Chinese boasts more than an empty threat. And yet in their relentless drive to raise money, the Clintons were fully prepared to broker that advice. In March 1996 Berger pressed on and managed to finesse a compromise that sent satellite control to Brown at Commerce and cost the Pentagon its veto power.

According to the Times, which reviewed thousands of pages of unclassified documents, the deal was closed in a series of telephone calls involving Berger, Talbott, Brown, and John White, the deputy defense secretary. Tellingly, the Times’ review “found no indication that Mr. Christopher was personally involved in the president’s decision.”

On March 12, 1996 the president signed off on a “decision memorandum” that reversed Christopher’s decision and awarded authority over satellite-export licensing to Commerce. Said an attached memo, ‘‘Industry should like the fact that they will deal with the more ‘user friendly’ Commerce system.’’

Feeling confident about his relationship with the president, Schwartz up and dispatched a Loral-led review team to China to assess the February 1996 failure of the Long March 3B rocket and suggest refinements.

President Clinton greets donor Bernard Schwartz, chairman of defense contractor Loral, in this undated Commerce Department photograph. AP

The Cox Committee would later describe Schwartz’s actions as “an unlicensed defense service for the PRC that resulted in the improvement of the reliability of the PRC’s military rockets and ballistic missiles.”

So serious was the offense that in 1998 the Criminal Division of the Justice Department launched an investigation. Incredibly, while the investigation was in process, Berger, now national security advisor, sent a memo to the president urging him to “waive the legislative restriction on the export to China of the communications satellites and related equipment for the Space Systems/Loral (SS/L) Chinasat 8 project.”

This waiver would present a huge problem for the prosecution. Berger admitted as much: “Justice believes that a jury would not convict once it learned that the president had found SS/L’s Chinasat 8 project to be in the national interest.”

But Berger was not about to let that stop him: “We will take the firm position that this waiver does not exonerate or in any way prejudge SS/L with respect to its prior unauthorized transfers to China.” Berger was blowing smoke, and he knew it. A waiver would make prosecution all but impossible.

The president could only issue a waiver, however, if it served America’s “national interest.” Berger made an almost comically specious case that it did, arguing satellite technology would give remote Chinese villagers access “to people and ideas in democratic societies.” During these misbegotten years, one trembles at what the villagers might have learned about American democracy.

For its part, Loral had no greater cause than its own bottom line. “If a decision is not forthcoming in the next day or so, we stand to lose the contract,” Loral lobbyist Thomas Ross wrote Berger. “In fact, even if the decision is favorable, we will lose substantial amounts of money with each passing day.”

So much for the national interest. Ross then added the kicker, sure to win the president’s heart. “Bernard Schwartz had intended to raise this issue with you at the Blair dinner, but missed you in the crowd.” Schwartz knew he had a friend in the White House. The president approved the waiver, and the prosecution came to naught.

This story merits its own book, but what deserves immediate comment is the willingness of Berger and the Clintons to risk everything to keep the cash pipeline open. In his purloining of the National Archives, Berger risked everything once again. He and the Clintons have apparently come to take the major media’s complicity for granted.

As for Schwartz, he kept the cash pipeline open and full. Before he was through, Schwartz and Loral would donate roughly $2 million to the Clinton cause. Whether Schwartz gave additional money or favors off the books is a question that deserves asking. Before his untimely death in April 1996, Brown was reporting that he had.

Wang Jun ran into problems of his own when on May 23, 1996, CNN breathlessly reported “the largest seizure of smuggled automatic weapons in U.S. history.” The San Francisco Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms had infiltrated a smuggling ring and confiscated 2,000 fully automatic AK-47 rifles imported from China.

The weapons were found on board a COSCO ship, the enterprise that had been trying to secure the Long Beach Naval Station. CNN traced the rifles to Wang Jun’s Poly Technologies.

Wang Jun, however, had not wasted his investment. Someone in the know did the arms merchant a large favor by leaking the news of the BATF gun smuggling investigation well before it was wrapped up. The Bay-area bust was premature. The BATF was not able to nail the operation’s ringleaders. Like Sandy Berger himself, Wang Jun was freed up for further mischief.

We may never know what Berger stole from the National Archives or how much damage he did to the nation’s battle against Islamic terrorists.
It is hard to imagine, though, that China would have developed the capacity to shoot satellites out of the sky—certainly not this quickly–without the help of its good friends in the White House. At the end of the day, this betrayal will make for an anxiety of much greater magnitude.

[Who is Jack Cashill?]

Prior 3 articles on Sandy Berger:

* The Secred that Sandy risked his all for
* Why Bush Justice rolled over for Sandy Berger
* How Sandy Berger paid back the GOP

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Bernard L. Schwartz
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Bernard Leon Schwartz (born December 12, 1926, Brooklyn, New York) was the Chairman of the Board and CEO of Loral Space & Communications, Chairman and CEO of K&F Industries, Inc., Chairman and CEO of Loral Corp., and president and CEO of Globalstar. He retired from Loral and his positions at its various subsidiaries and affiliates as of March 1, 2006. He is currently the Chairman and CEO of BLS Investments, his own investment firm located in Manhattan.

Schwartz grew up in the Bensonhurst neighborhood of Brooklyn. He is a World War II veteran and life-long Democrat. According to NBC News, from 1992 to 1996 he was the single largest contributor to the Democratic Party. In 1997 he celebrated his 71st birthday with Bill and Hillary Clinton at the White House. Schwartz became embroiled in a controversial transfer of missile technology to China, but was exonerated of any wrongdoing after a Justice Department investigation[1].

Prior to his involvement with Loral, Schwartz was an accountant on Wall Street.

Schwartz earned a B.S. in finance and an honorary doctorate of science from City University of New York. A lifelong believer in effective communication as a prerequisite for success in business, Schwartz founded the Bernard L. Schwartz Communication Institute, at Baruch College of the City University of New York.

Schwartz has or had leadership positions in the following organizations:

* Industry
o Loral Space & Communications: Chairman of the Board and CEO.
o K&F Industries: chairman of the board.
o Satelites Mexicanos, S.A. (Satmex): member of the board of directors.
* Academia
o New School University: trustee.
+ Eugene Lang College: vice chairman of the board of governors.
o Johns Hopkins University Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS): member of Advisory Council.
o Baruch College Communication Institute: trustee of the Baruch College Fund.
o New York University Hospitals Center: trustee.
o Thirteen/WNET Educational Broadcasting Corporation: trustee.
* Public policy institutes / think tanks
o New America Foundation: member of the board of directors. The foundation offers fellowships in his name.
o Council on Foreign Relations: member of the council.
o Democratic Leadership Council: trustee.
+ Blueprint Magazine: chairman of the editorial board.
o City Year: founding member.
o Third Way: trustee.
* Culture
o New-York Historical Society: member of the board.
o New York Film Society: vice chairman.

External links

* Bernard L. Schwartz Official Website

Retrieved from “http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bernard_L._Schwartz”
Categories: 1926 births | Living people | American philanthropists | American chief executives | People from Brooklyn | Loral Space & Communications | New York Democrats

Bernard Schwartz
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search

Bernard Schwartz may refer to:

* Bernard Schwartz, birth name of Tony Curtis (born 1925), American film actor
* Bernard L. Schwartz (born 1926), CEO of Loral Space & Communications
* Bernard Schwartz (producer) (died 2003), Academy Award–nominated producer of the film Coal Miner’s Daughter
* Bernard Schwartz (author), author of A Book of Legal Lists


Obama Latest Appointment Linked to Stonebridge LLC and TRAITOR …
Nov 16, 2008 … Sandy Berger not only took NATO nuclear codes but he was involved … Department to bring charges of treason and espionage against Berger. … It is well known in most circles that Berger’s theft of …. Bill Clinton in keynote address at 2005 conference organized by Alibaba in Hangzhou , China . …
http://www.stewwebb.com/obama_latest_appointment_linked_to_stonebridge_and_traitor_sandy_berger.htm – 43k – Cached – Similar pages


The Berger Investigation

In May 2002 and in the summer and fall of 2003, President Clinton’s former National Security Advisor Sandy Berger visited the National Archives to review highly classified documents in preparation for being interviewed by the 9/11 Commission. The documents were “code word” documents and only a very small number of people had the security clearance to view them.

It is now known on these visits Berger unlawfully removed and disposed of some of the documents he examined. In the Spring of 2005, Berger pleaded guilty to this.
We Will Never Know What He Took

The release of the Archives Inspector General’s report and the further inquiry reflected in this report now reveal the extraordinary lengths to which Berger was willing to go to deliberately compromise national security, apparently for his own convenience. The criminal case involved those documents that Berger was caught removing and ultimately admitted removing. There is no reason to doubt that those documents were forwarded to the 9/11 Commission for its use. The Justice Department and the Archives apparently accounted for them all and assured the 9/11 Commission that it received them all.

The full extent of Berger’s document removal is not known, and never can be known. On two of Berger’s four visits to the Archives, he had access to documents which had no copy and have no inventory number. These are the office files of National Security staff, including the personal office files of Clinton and Bush anti-terrorism czar Richard Clarke. They may have been lost forever.

The Department of Justice could not assure the 9/11 Commission that it received all responsive documents to which Berger had access. Additionally, the 9/11 Commission was not informed that Berger had access to original documents that he could have removed some without anyone’s knowledge.

While the personal staff files provide the greatest opportunity for missing documents, the NSC numbered documents also present a serious problem. The NSC numbered documents are only numbered at the document level, not by page. Berger could have removed portions of NSC numbered documents and the National Archives officials would never know. Because Berger was provided with so many original documents, there is no way to ever know if the 9/11 Commission received all required materials.

The facts of this case raise some peculiar and disturbing questions about the conduct, and more importantly, the motivations of the former National Security Advisor. For example, Berger admitted to leaving highly classified documents at a construction site near the main National Archives facility in downtown Washington, D.C. where they could have been easily found. Additionally, one of the archivists with a very high clearance level (and therefore presumably reliable) who worked on the document production for the 9/11 Commission reported that he saw Berger hiding some documents in his socks and under his pants. These acts of concealment show the lengths to which Berger was willing to deliberately go to compromise national security.

Berger’s actions portray a disturbing breach of trust and protocol that compromised the nation’s national security. This report examines the specific facts concerning Berger’s four visits to the National Archives, the lax procedures in effect at the Archives that allowed these events to unfold, the effects Berger’s actions had on the work of the 9/11 Commission, and the actions by the Department of Justice in advising the 9/11 Commission of relevant facts concerning Berger’s Archives visits.



Richard Alan Clarke[1] (born October 1951) was a U.S. government employee for 30 years, 1973–2003. He worked for the State Department during the presidency of Ronald Reagan.[2] Following the presidency of George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton promoted Clarke to be the chief counter-terrorism adviser on the U.S. National Security Council. Under President George W. Bush Clarke no longer had cabinet-level access, but continued in the same position until his retirement in January 2003, serving as a member of the Senior Executive Service, specializing in intelligence, cyber security and counter-terrorism.[citation needed] He was thus a part of the executive branch at the time of the 9/11 terrorist attacks.

Clarke came to widespread public attention for his role as counter-terrorism czar in the Clinton and Bush Administrations in March 2004, when he appeared on the 60 Minutes television news magazine, released his memoir about his service in government, Against All Enemies, and testified before the 9/11 Commission. In all three instances, Clarke was sharply critical of the Bush Administration’s attitude toward counter-terrorism before the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the decision to go to war with Iraq. Clarke has received criticism in turn for various reasons, including his strong disagreements with the Bush Administration.

Richard Clarke is currently Chairman of Good Harbor Consulting, a strategic planning and corporate risk management firm, an on-air consultant for ABC News, and a contributor to GoodHarborReport.com, an online community discussing homeland security, defense, and politics. He is an adjunct lecturer at the Harvard Kennedy School and a faculty affiliate of its Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.[3] He has also become an author of fiction, publishing his first novel, The Scorpion’s Gate, in 2005, and a second, Breakpoint, in 2007.

* 1 Background
* 2 Government career
* 3 9/11 Commission
o 3.1 Pre-9/11 memo about Al Qaeda threat
o 3.2 Criticism
* 4 Cyberterrorism and cybersecurity
* 5 Book: Against All Enemies
* 6 Additional works
* 7 Affiliations
* 8 References
* 9 External links


Richard Clarke was born in 1951, the son of a Boston factory worker. He studied at the Boston Latin School (graduated 1968) and received a Bachelor’s degree from the University of Pennsylvania in 1972.

Government career

In 1973, he began work in the federal government as an employee in the U.S. Department of Defense. Starting in 1985, Clarke served in the Reagan Administration as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence. During the presidential administration of George H.W. Bush, as the Assistant Secretary of State for Political-Military Affairs, he coordinated diplomatic efforts to support the 1990-1991 Gulf War and the subsequent security arrangements. During the Clinton Administration, Clarke became the counter-terrorism coordinator for the National Security Council. He also advised Madeleine Albright during the Genocide in Rwanda, and directed the authoring of PDD-25[4] which outlined a reduced military and economic role for the United States in Rwanda as well as future peacekeeping operations. He remained counter-terrorism coordinator during the first year of the George W. Bush Administration, and later was the Special Advisor to the president on cybersecurity and cyberterrorism. He resigned from the Bush Administration in 2003.

Clarke’s positions inside the government have included:

* United States National Security Council, 1992-2003
o Special Advisor 2001-2003
o National Coordinator for Security, Infrastructure Protection, and Counter-terrorism, 1998-2001
o Chair of the Counter-terrorism Security Group, 1992-2003
* United States Department of State 1985-1992
o Assistant Secretary of State for Politico-Military Affairs, 1989-1992
o Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Intelligence, 1985-1988

9/11 Commission
Richard A. Clarke

On March 24, 2004, Clarke testified at the public 9/11 Commission hearings.[5] At the outset of his testimony Clarke offered an apology to the families of 9/11 victims and an acknowledgment that the government had failed:  I also welcome the hearings because it is finally a forum where I can apologize to the loved ones of the victims of 9/11… ,  To the loved ones of the victims of 9/11, to them who are here in this room, to those who are watching on television, your government failed you. Those entrusted with protecting you failed you. And I failed you. We tried hard, but that doesn’t matter because we failed. And for that failure, I would ask, once all the facts are out, for your understanding and for your forgiveness. [5] Clarke was the only member of the Clinton or Bush Administrations who provided an apology to the family members of victims along with an acknowledgement of the government’s failure.[6][dead link]
Many of the events Clarke recounted during the hearings were also published in his memoir, Against All Enemies. Among his highly critical statements regarding the Bush Administration, Clarke charged that before and during the 9/11 crisis, many in the administration were distracted from efforts against Osama bin Laden’s al Qaeda organization by a pre-occupation with Iraq and Saddam Hussein. Clarke had written that on September 12, 2001, President Bush pulled him and a couple of aides aside and  testily  asked him to try to find evidence that Saddam Hussein was connected to the terrorist attacks. In response he wrote a report stating there was no evidence of Iraqi involvement and got it signed by all relevant agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the CIA. The paper was quickly returned by a deputy with a note saying  Please update and resubmit .[7] After initially denying that such meeting and request between the President and Clarke took place, the White House later reversed its denial when others present backed Clarke’s version of the events.[8][9]

According to the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, Clarke gave the final okay for the members of the bin Laden family living in the U.S. to fly to Saudi Arabia on Sept. 14, 2001. Clarke had initially claimed under oath someone in the Bush Administration had asked for the flight and he consulted with the FBI;[10] However, the FBI denied they had a role in approving the flight for bin Laden’s family as alleged by Clarke when FBI spokesman John Iannarelli said:  I can say unequivocally that the FBI had no role in facilitating these flights.  http://edinburghnews.scotsman.com/index.cfm?id=971322003. Later, Clarke admitted that he alone authorized the flight. He told reporters “I take responsibility for it. I don’t think it was a mistake, and I’d do it again.”[11]

After Clarke appeared before the 9/11 Commission, his detractors attacked his credibility, suggesting that he was too partisan a figure, and charging that he exaggerated perceived failures in the Bush Administration’ counter terrorism policies while exculpating the former Clinton administration from its perceived shortcomings.[12] According to news agency Knight-Ridder, the White House tried to discredit Clarke in a move described as  shooting the messenger. [13] New York Times columnist Paul Krugman was more blunt, calling the attacks on Clarke  a campaign of character assassination. [14]

Clarke has also exchanged criticism with Michael Scheuer, former chief of the bin Laden Unit at the Counterterrorist Center at the CIA. When asked to respond to Clarke’s claim that Scheuer was  a hothead, a middle manager who really didn’t go to any of the cabinet meetings,  Scheuer returned the criticism as follows:  I certainly agree with the fact that I didn’t go to the cabinet meetings. But I’m certainly also aware that I’m much better informed than Mr. Clarke ever was about the nature of the intelligence that was available against Osama bin Laden and which was consistently denigrated by himself and Mr. Tenet. [15] Matthew Continetti writes:  Scheuer believes that Clarke’s risk aversion and politicking negatively impacted the hunt for Bin Laden prior to September 11, 2001. Scheuer stated that his unit, codename ‘Alec,’ had provided information that could have led to the capture and or killing of Osama bin Laden on ten different occasions, only to have his recommendations for action turned down by senior intelligence officials, including Clarke.  [16]

Pre-9/11 memo about Al Qaeda threat

Clarke and his communications with the Bush administration regarding Osama bin Laden and associated terrorist plots targeting the United States were mentioned frequently in National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice’s public interview by the 9/11 investigatory commission on April 8, 2004. Of particular significance was a memo[17] from January 25, 2001 that Clarke had authored and sent to Rice.

Along with making an urgent request for a meeting of the National Security Council’s Principals Committee to discuss the growing al-Qaeda threat in the greater Middle East, the memo also suggests strategies for combating al-Qaeda that might be adopted by the new Bush Administration.[18]


Just before and after Clarke appeared before the 9/11 Commission, defenders of the Bush Administration tried to attack his credibility. They charged that he exaggerated perceived failures in the Bush Administration’s counterterrorism policies while exculpating the former Clinton administration from its perceived shortcomings.[12]

According to some reports, the White House tried to discredit Clarke in a move described as  shooting the messenger. [13] New York Times columnist Paul Krugman was more blunt, calling the attacks on Clarke  a campaign of character assassination. [14]

Conservatives inside and outside the Bush Administration vigorously attacked both Clarke’s testimony and his tenure during the hearings. In the furor over Clarke’s revelations before the 9/11 Commission, Senate Republican Majority Leader Bill Frist immediately took to the Senate floor to make a speech accusing Clarke of telling  two entirely different stories under oath , pointing to congressional hearing testimony Clarke gave in 2002, but Frist later admitted to reporters that he was unaware of any actual discrepancies in Clarke’s testimony.[19] Some White House attempts to discredit Clarke were inconsistent, specifically, the day after Clarke’s revelations Vice President Dick Cheney went on the Rush Limbaugh radio program to claim that Clarke’s account of the events leading to the 9/11 attacks was not credible because Clarke  wasn’t in the loop  on pre-9/11 counter-terrorism planning, while at the same time National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice was telling reporters that Clarke was the center of all counter-terrorism efforts.[20]

Clarke has also been criticized by conservatives for suggesting the possibility of a link between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda but then, after investigation, concluding that no link had been established.

Specifically, in February 1999 Clarke wrote the Deputy National Security Advisor that one reliable source reported Iraqi officials had met with Bin Ladin and may have offered him asylum. Therefore, Clarke advised against surveillance flights to track Bin Laden in Afghanistan: Anticipating an attack, “old wily Usama will likely boogie to Baghdad”, where he would be impossible to find.[21]

Clarke also made statements that year to the press linking Hussein and al-Qaeda to an alleged joint chemical weapons development effort at the Al Shifa pharmaceutical plant in Sudan.[22]

Since 1999, however, the United States government has admitted that its evidence regarding Al Shifa is inconclusive, and Clarke has concluded that there was no Iraq-al Qaeda link. In Against All Enemies he writes,  It is certainly possible that Iraqi agents dangled the possibility of asylum in Iraq before bin Laden at some point when everyone knew that the U.S. was pressuring the Taliban to arrest him. If that dangle happened, bin Laden’s accepting asylum clearly did not,  (p. 270). In an interview on March 21, 2004, Clarke made the statement:  There’s absolutely no evidence that Iraq was supporting al-Qaeda, ever.  Clarke makes clear in his book that he came to his more recent conclusion as a result of several investigations, prompted by the Bush Administration, specifically into the possibility of an Iraqi connection to September 11.

In response to Clarke’s charges against the Bush administration, Fox News, with the Administration’s consent, identified and released a background briefing that Clarke gave in August 2002, at the Administration’s request, to minimize the fallout from a Time Magazine story about the President’s failure to take certain actions before 9/11.[23] In that briefing on behalf of the White House, Clarke stated  there was no plan on Al Qaeda that was passed from the Clinton administration to the Bush administration,  and that after taking office President Bush decided to  add to the existing Clinton strategy and to increase CIA resources, for example, for covert action, fivefold, to go after Al Qaeda. [24] At the next day’s hearing, 9/11 Commission member Thompson challenged Clarke with the 2002 account, and Clarke explained:  I was asked to make that case to the press. I was a special assistant to the president, and I made the case I was asked to make… I was asked to highlight the positive aspects of what the administration had done and to minimize the negative aspects of what the administration had done. And as a special assistant to the president, one is frequently asked to do that kind of thing. I’ve done it for several presidents. [5]

In his book, Clarke wrote that when he first briefed Rice on Al Qaeda, in a January 2001 meeting,  her facial expression gave me the impression she had never heard the term before.  Rice, however, discussed the threat of Bin Laden striking U.S. territory in an Oct. 2000 radio interview.[25][26]

Cyberterrorism and cybersecurity

Clarke, as Special Advisor to the President on Cybersecurity, spent his last year in the Bush Administration focusing on cybersecurity and the threat of terrorism against the critical infrastructure of the United States. At a security conference in 2002, after citing statistics that indicate that less than 0.0025 percent of corporate revenue on average is spent on information-technology security, Clarke was famously heard to say,  If you spend more on coffee than on IT security, then you will be hacked. What’s more, you deserve to be hacked. [27]

Book: Against All Enemies
Main article: Against All Enemies

On March 22, 2004, Clarke’s book, Against All Enemies: Inside America’s War on Terror—What Really Happened (ISBN 0-7432-6024-4), was published. The book was critical of past and present presidential administrations for the way they handled the war on terror both before and after September 11, 2001 but focused much of its criticism on Bush for failing to take sufficient action to protect the country in the elevated-threat period before the September 11, 2001 attacks and for the 2003 invasion of Iraq, which Clarke feels greatly hampered the war on terror, and was a distraction from the real terrorists.

Additional works

* Defeating the Jihadists: A Blueprint for Action, 2004. In this book Clarke outlines his idea of a more effective U.S. counterterrorism policy. (ISBN 0-87078-491-9)
* The Scorpion’s Gate, 2005 (novel). (ISBN 0-399-15294-6)
* Breakpoint, 2007 (novel). (ISBN 0-399-15378-0).
* Your Government Failed You: Breaking the Cycle of National Security Disasters, 2008. (ISBN 9780061474620)


* Chairman, Good Harbor Consulting, LLC, a strategic planning and corporate risk management firm.
* Contributor, GoodHarborReport.com, an online resource for homeland security, defense and political issues, operated by Good Harbor Consulting, LLC.
* Faculty affiliate, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard Kennedy School
* Advisory Board Member, Civitas Group, LLC
* On-air consultant, ABC News.


1. ^ Dobbs, Michael.  An Obscure Chief in U.S. War on Terror . The Washington Post, April 2, 2000.
2. ^  Profile: Richard Clarke . BBC News. 2004-03-22. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/3559087.stm. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
3. ^  Richard Clarke’s bio at Harvard Kennedy School . Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. 2008-05-29. http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/experts/1621/richard_clarke.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
4. ^  Text of Presidential Decision Directive 25 . Federation of American Scientists. 1994-05-06. http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/pdd25.htm. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
5. ^ a b c  Transcript: Wednesday’s 9/11 Commission Hearings . Washington Post. 2004-03-24. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A20349-2004Mar24.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
6. ^  Not Reality. Actuality . Courttv.com. http://www.courttv.com/ipoj/ons/lesson3.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
7. ^ Against All Enemies: Inside America’s War on Terror–What Really Happened (ISBN 0-7432-6024-4)
8. ^ Dean, John W (2004-04-09).  Bush’s attack on Richard Clarke . CNN.com. http://www.cnn.com/2004/LAW/04/09/dean.clarke/index.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
9. ^ Talking Points Memo (2001-09-11). Press release. http://www.talkingpointsmemo.com/archives/002772.php. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
10. ^  Richard Clarke Testifies Before 9/11 Commission . CNN.com Transcripts. 2004-03-24. http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0403/24/bn.00.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
11. ^ http://www.hillnews.com/news/052604/clarke.aspx%5Bdead link]
12. ^ a b Ratnesar, Romesh (2004-03-25).  Richard Clarke, at War With Himself . Time.com. http://www.time.com/time/nation/article/0,8599,604598,00.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
13. ^ a b  White House Tries to Discredit Counterterrorism Coordinator . Common Dreams. 2004-03-22. http://www.commondreams.org/headlines04/0322-10.htm. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
14. ^ a b Krugman, Paul (2004-03-30).  Smearing Richard Clarke . History News Network. http://hnn.us/roundup/comments/4371.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
15. ^ Leung, Rebecca (2004-11-12).  Bin Laden Expert Steps Forward, Ex-CIA Agent Assesses Terror War In 60 Minutes Interview . 60 Minutes (CBS News). http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2004/11/12/60minutes/main655407.shtml. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
16. ^ Continetti, Matthew (2004-11-22).  Scheuer v. Clarke . Weekly Standard. http://www.weeklystandard.com/Content/Public/Articles/000/000/004/954cfheq.asp. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
17. ^ http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB147/clarke%20memo.pdf
18. ^  Bush Administration’s First Memo on al-Qaeda Declassified . Gwu.edu. 2001-01-25. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB147/index.htm. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
19. ^  Talking Points Memo . http://www.talkingpointsmemo.com/archives/002772.php.
20. ^ Bumiller, Elizabeth,  Threats and Responses: Was an Official ‘In the Loop?’ It all Depends , The New York Times, March 25, 2004.
21. ^ The 9/11 Commission Report, p. 134.
22. ^ Flanagan, David (2004-03-23).  Richard Clarke Links Al Qaeda To Iraq . Blogcritics.org. http://blogcritics.org/archives/2004/03/23/142941.php. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
23. ^ Kaplan, Fred (2004-03-24).  Richard Clarke KOs the Bushies . Slate Magazine. http://www.slate.com/id/2097750/. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
24. ^  Transcript: Clarke Praises Bush Team in ’02 . FOXNews.com. 2004-03-24. http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,115085,00.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
25. ^ Turner, Julia (2004-03-25).  Richard Clarke’s book, condensed . Slate Magazine. http://www.slate.com/id/2097803/. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
26. ^  Another of Author Richard Clarke’s Lies Revealed . E-thepeople.org. 2000-10-04. http://www.e-thepeople.org/article/30402/view?viewtype. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.
27. ^  Security Guru: Let’s Secure the Net,  ZDNet, February 20, 2002

External links
This section may contain lists of external links or see also entries discouraged by Wikipedia’s Manual of Style. Please help integrate this content into the body of the article using in-text citations.
*  Attacks on Richard Clarke,  Guardian UK.
* Field, Chris,  On Richard Clarke . March 22, 2004
* Richard Clarke Book Reaction, NPR
* Clarke’s Take on Terror from CBS News
* frontline the man who knew interviews richard a. clarke PBS
*  Richard Clarke Talks Cybersecurity and JELL-O,  an exclusive interview with IEEE Security & Privacy magazine after the 9/11 testimony
*  Against All Enemies: Inside America’s War on Terror  Streaming video of Richard Clarke talk at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (March 8, 2005).
*  A Dick Clarke Top Seven  by Mansoor Ijaz
* Articles, essays, and reports written by Richard Clarke
* Richard Clarke at the Internet Movie Database
*  National Insecurity  by Samuel Hughes

Retrieved from  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_A._Clarke
Categories: 1951 births | Living people | American anti-Iraq War activists | Boston Latin School alumni | Counter-insurgency theorists | Counter-terrorism | Counter-terrorism theorists | Guerrilla warfare theorists | Psychological warfare theorists | Terrorism theorists | University of Pennsylvania alumni


Samuel R. Berger
Nickname: Sandy
Samuel R. Berger personal relations:
Susan Berger – spouse
Deborah J. Fox – father
Other current Samuel R. Berger relationships:
Stonebridge International – chairman
Samuel R. Berger past relationships:
2004 John F. Kerry presidential campaign – adviser
2005 Sandy Berger theft charges – defendant; pleaded guilty to taking classified materials
2008 Hillary Rodham Clinton presidential campaign – unofficial adviser
Lanny Breuer – attorney
Civitas Group, llc – co-chairman
William J. Clinton – senior foreign policy adviser
Hogan & Hartson – partner
William J. Clinton administration – national security adviser

Samuel R. Berger connections, once removed:
Samuel R. Berger is connected to …
Donald Gross >> through Stonebridge International
Anthony S. Harrington >> through Stonebridge International
Warren B. Rudman >> through Stonebridge International
Michael J. Warren >> through Stonebridge International
Note: This may be a partial list. Click on the map above to explore more connections.
Samuel R. Berger contributions to nonprofits:
William J. Clinton Foundation – $25,001 to $50,000


Civitas Group, llc
People related to Civitas Group, llc :
Charles R. Black Jr. – board member
Civitas Group, llc past relationships:
Samuel R. Berger – co-chairman


Center for American Progress



Hogan & Hartson
People related to Hogan & Hartson:
Charles C. Adams Jr. – partner
David Dunn – attorney
Harry T. Jones Jr. – partner
Robert D. Kyle – attorney
Thomas B. Leary – attorney
Walter G. Lohr Jr. – partner
Loretta E. Lynch – partner
Peter J. Pettibone – partner
John Edward Porter – partner
Christine A. Varney – partner
Ann Morgan Vickery – partner
Rebecca W. Watson – partner
Marcia A. Wiss – attorney
Clayton K. Yeutter – senior adviser
Other current Hogan & Hartson relationships:
Academy of Rail Labor Attorneys – lobby firm
Advanced Analytical – lobby firm
AES Corporation – lobby firm
Aflac Inc. – lobby firm
Agennix, Inc. – lobby firm
Agilent Technologies, Inc. – lobby firm
Algoma Steel – lobby firm
Alliance for Lupus Research – lobby firm
Allion Healthcare, Inc. – lobby firm
Alltel Corporation – lobby firm
Amaox – lobby firm
American Academy of Pediatric Dentistry – lobby firm
American Art Therapy Association – lobby firm
American Association for Thoracic Surgery – lobby firm
American Farmland Trust – lobby firm
American Frozen Food Institute – lobby firm
American Gaming Association – lobby firm
American Hospital Association – lobby firm
American Red Cross – lobby firm
American Registry of Pathology – lobby firm
American Transmission Co. – lobby firm
America’s Promise, The Alliance for Youth – lobby firm
Anschutz Company – lobby firm
Asociacion de Cultivadores de Cana de Azucar de Columbia – lobby firm
Association des Industries D’Haiti – lobby firm
Association of Community Cancer Centers – lobby firm
Association of Retired Police Officers, Inc. – lobby firm
BE&K, Inc. – lobby firm
BGR Holding, LLC – lobby firm
Biophysical Society – lobby firm
Biotechnology Industry Organization – lobby firm
Boise State University – lobby firm
Brandeis University – lobby firm
Bristol-Myers Squibb Company – lobby firm
California State Teachers’ Retirement System – lobby firm
Campaign for Medical Research – lobby firm
Campaign for Public Health – lobby firm
Ceridian Corporation – lobby firm
Champ Car World Series – lobby firm
Chase Law Firm – lobby firm
Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia – lobby firm
Choice Humanitarian – lobby firm
Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical College – lobby firm
Cinergy Corp. – lobby firm
Citac Inc. – lobby firm
Clinical Research Forum – lobby firm
Clorox Company – lobby firm
Coats North America – lobby firm
Colfax Corp. – lobby firm
ConAgra Foods Inc. – lobby firm
Council for Higher Education Accreditation – lobby firm
Cunningham Bounds LLC – lobby firm
Cytyc Corporation – lobby firm
Dallas/Fort Worth International Airport – lobby firm
Dana Corporation – lobby firm
Danaher Corporation – lobby firm
Deerfield Capital Corp. – lobby firm
Direct Selling Association – lobby firm
Drexel University – lobby firm
Drummond Company Inc. – lobby firm
Dynamis Advisors, Inc. – lobby firm
Eclipse Snow Park LLC – lobby firm
EnCana Corporation – lobby firm
Encana Marketing (USA) Inc. – lobby firm
Enterprise Security – lobby firm
Environmental Defense Fund – lobby firm
Equity Dynamics – lobby firm
Financial Industry Regulatory Authority – lobby firm
Financial Planning Association – lobby firm
Florida Power & Light Company – lobby firm
FM Policy Focus – lobby firm
Ford Motor Company – lobby firm
Fortune Society – lobby firm
Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Center – lobby firm
GE Equity – lobby firm
Gen-Probe Incorporated – lobby firm
General Electric Company – lobby firm
General Motors Corporation – lobby firm
GlaxoSmithKline plc – lobby firm
Government Solutions Group – lobby firm
Grocery Manufacturers Association – lobby firm
Guidiville Band of Pomo Indians – lobby firm
H2Diesel Holdings, Inc. – lobby firm
Hangzhou Zhongce Rubber Co. Ltd. – lobby firm
Harbert Management Corporation – lobby firm
Homestrech, Inc. – lobby firm
Honda North America – lobby firm
Houghton Freeman – lobby firm
Hoverstar International – lobby firm
Humane Society of the United States – lobby firm
Indra Systems, Inc. – lobby firm
Intelius Inc. – lobby firm
Interlochen Center for the Arts – lobby firm
International Dairy Foods Association – lobby firm
Intrepid Mining LLC – lobby firm
Investment Fund for Foundations – lobby firm
Invista – lobby firm
Iomai Corp. – lobby firm
Irvington (NJ) – lobby firm
Jacksonville State University – lobby firm
Jacuzzi Brands, Inc. – lobby firm
Koch Industries – lobby firm
Kongsberg Simrad, Inc. – lobby firm
Lee County Port Authority – lobby firm
Level 3 Communications, Inc. – lobby firm
Lincoln Park Zoo – lobby firm
Lower Elwha Klallam Tribe – lobby firm
Loyola University Health System – lobby firm
Merlin Technical Solutions – lobby firm
Michigan Consolidated Gas Co. – lobby firm
Milton Eisenhower Foundation – lobby firm
Mortgage Insurance Companies of America – lobby firm
Mount Sinai School of Medicine – lobby firm
Nabi Biopharmaceuticals – lobby firm
National Alliance for Eye & Vision Research – lobby firm
National Association for Home Health Care & Hospice – lobby firm
National Association of Drug Court Professionals – lobby firm
National Chicken Council – lobby firm
National Foreign Trade Council – lobby firm
National Structured Settlements – lobby firm
National Trust for Historic Preservation – lobby firm
Nestle USA – lobby firm
Nestle Waters North America, Inc. – lobby firm
NetJets Inc. – lobby firm
New England Province Society of Jesus – lobby firm
News America Incorporated – lobby firm
Nissan North America, Inc. – lobby firm
Northfield Laboratories – lobby firm
Northwestern University – lobby firm
NVR Inc. – lobby firm
Ontario Pork – lobby firm
Orthofix International – lobby firm
Palm Inc. – lobby firm
Pediatric OMS Research Fund – lobby firm
Petroleos de Venezuela, S.A. – lobby firm
Pharmathene, Inc. – lobby firm
Philipp Brothers Chemicals Inc. – lobby firm
Phoenix Footwear Group, Inc. – lobby firm
Polyisocyanierate Insulation Manufacturers Association – lobby firm
Precept Foods – lobby firm
Pritikin Longevity Center & Spa – lobby firm
Provena Health – lobby firm
Pueblo Chieftain – lobby firm
Renaissance Learning Corporation – lobby firm
Rocky Mountain Health Plans – lobby firm
Rosalind Franklin University – lobby firm
RTI International Metals, Inc. – lobby firm
Sabic Innovative Plastics, LLC – lobby firm
Sanofi-Aventis – lobby firm
Save a Life Foundation – lobby firm
SES New Skies – lobby firm
Shaw Group – lobby firm
South Dakota State University – lobby firm
Southern Methodist University – lobby firm
St. Photios National Shrine – lobby firm
Stillwell Value Partners – lobby firm
Sun Microsystems Inc. – lobby firm
Supersonic Aerospace International LLC – lobby firm
Tap Pharmaceuticals, Inc. – lobby firm
Texas Children’s Hospital – lobby firm
Toyota Motor North America – lobby firm
Transvac Systems – lobby firm
Trilegiant Corporation – lobby firm
University of Iowa – lobby firm
University of Utah – lobby firm
University of Wisconsin – lobby firm
Vanguard Health Systems – lobby firm
Vulcan Materials Company – lobby firm
Wal-Mart Stores Inc. – lobby firm
WebMD Health – lobby firm
Wellcare Health Plans, Inc. – lobby firm
Westat – lobby firm
Xcel Energy Inc. – lobby firm
YM Biosciences – lobby firm
Yurok Tribe – lobby firm

Hogan & Hartson past relationships:
Samuel R. Berger – partner
Dale E. Bonner – of counsel
Charles B. Curtis – partner
J. William Fulbright – counsel
Sanford M. Litvack – partner
Paul G. Rogers – partner
Thomas L. Strickland – managing partner, Denver office



Charles R. Black Jr.
Nickname: Charlie
Charles R. Black Jr. personal relations:
Judy A. Black – spouse
Other current Charles R. Black Jr. relationships:
Black Manforte & Stone – founder
Civitas Group, llc – board member
Fund for American Studies – trustee
The Lincoln Group – lobbyist
Charles R. Black Jr. past relationships:
1992 George H.W. Bush presidential campaign – spokesman
2000 George W. Bush presidential campaign – political adviser/spokesman
2004 George W. Bush presidential campaign – supporter
2008 John McCain presidential campaign – chief political adviser
American Conservative Union – director
BKSH & Associates – chairman
George H.W. Bush – senior adviser
Bob Dole – political consultant
David F. Durenberger – political consultant
Phil Gramm – political consultant
Jesse Helms – political consultant
Mills Corporation – director
Ronald Reagan – senior adviser
Republican National Committee – chief spokesman & political director
Charles R. Black Jr. connections, once removed:
Charles R. Black Jr. is connected to …
Thomas L. Phillips >> through Fund for American Studies
Roger J. Stone Jr. >> through Black Manforte & Stone
Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck >> through Judy A. Black
Note: This may be a partial list. Click on the map above to explore more connections.



^ Dean, John W (2004-04-09).  Bush’s attack on Richard Clarke . CNN.com. http://www.cnn.com/2004/LAW/04/09/dean.clarke/index.html. Retrieved on 2009-01-09.


John Dean
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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For other uses, see John Dean (disambiguation).
John Dean

John Dean, May 7, 1972.
Born     John Wesley Dean
October 14, 1938 (1938-10-14) (age 70)
Akron, Ohio

John Wesley Dean III (born October 14, 1938) was White House Counsel to U.S. President Richard Nixon from July 1970 until April 1973. As White House Counsel, he became deeply involved in events leading up to the Watergate burglaries and the subsequent Watergate scandal cover up, even referred to as  master manipulator of the cover up  by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).[1] He was convicted of multiple felonies as a result of Watergate, and went on to become a key witness for the prosecution, resulting in a reduction of his time in prison.

Dean is currently an author, columnist, and commentator on contemporary politics, strongly critical of conservatism and the Republican Party, and a registered Independent who supported impeachment of President George W. Bush.[2]

* 1 Early life and career
* 2  Master manipulator  to star witness
* 3 Watergate trial
* 4 Life after Watergate
* 5 Books
* 6 Notes
* 7 Sources
* 8 External links

Early life and career

Dean was born in Akron, Ohio. He attended Colgate University and then The College of Wooster, earning a bachelor’s degree in in 1961.[citation needed] He received a Juris Doctor (J.D.) from Georgetown University in 1965. After graduation, he joined a Washington, D.C. law firm.

He was a close friend of Barry Goldwater and his family.[3]

He was subsequently employed as the chief minority counsel to the Republican members of the United States House Committee on the Judiciary. A National Commission on the Reform of Federal Criminal Law was created in 1967: Dean was appointed its associate director. He volunteered to write position papers on crime for Nixon’s presidential campaign in 1968. The following year he became an Associate Deputy at the office of the Attorney General of the United States in the Nixon administration and in July, 1970 became counsel to the president, after the previous holder of this post John Ehrlichman became the president’s chief domestic adviser.

Master manipulator  to star witness

On February 28, 1973, Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee regarding his nomination to replace J. Edgar Hoover as Director of the FBI. Armed with newspaper articles indicating the White House had possession of FBI Watergate files, the committee chairman, Sam Ervin, questioned Gray as to what he knew about the White House obtaining the files. Gray stated he had given reports to Dean, and had discussed the FBI investigation with Dean on many occasions. Gray’s nomination failed, and now Dean was directly linked to the Watergate cover-up.

On March 23, the Watergate burglars were sentenced with stiff fines and prison time; Dean hired an attorney and began his cooperation with Watergate investigators on April 6, while continuing to work as Nixon’s Chief White House Counsel, never disclosing this obvious conflict to Nixon.

On April 22, Nixon requested Dean put together a report with everything he knew about the Watergate matter and even invited him to take a retreat to Camp David to do so. Coupled with his sense of distance from Nixon’s inner circle,  The Berlin Wall  of advisors H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman, Dean sensed he was going to become the Watergate scapegoat, and despite going to Camp David, he returned to Washington without having completed his report. Nixon fired Dean on April 30, the same date he also announced the resignations of Haldeman and Ehrlichman.

On June 25, Dean began his testimony before the Senate Watergate Committee, in which he implicated administration officials, including Nixon fundraiser and former Attorney General John Mitchell, Nixon and himself. He was the first administration official to accuse Nixon of direct involvement with Watergate and the resulting cover-up in press interviews. Such testimony against Nixon, while damaging to the president’s credibility, had little impact legally, as it was merely his word against Nixon’s. Nixon vigorously denied all accusations against him that he authorized a cover-up, and Dean had no proof beyond various notes he had taken in his meetings with the president. It was not until secret White House tape recordings were made public and analyzed that Dean’s accusations were made.

Watergate trial

Dean pled guilty to obstruction of justice before Watergate trial judge John Sirica on November 30, 1973. He admitted supervising payments of  hush money  to the Watergate burglars, notably E. Howard Hunt, and revealed the existence of Nixon’s enemies list. On August 2, 1974, Sirica handed down a sentence of one to four years in a minimum-security prison. However, when Dean surrendered himself as scheduled on September 3, he was diverted to the custody of U.S. Marshals, and kept instead at Fort Holabird (near Baltimore, Maryland) in a special  safe house  holding facility primarily used for witnesses against the Mafia. He spent his days in the offices of the Watergate Special Prosecutor and testifying in the trial of Watergate conspirators Mitchell, Haldeman, Ehrlichman, Robert Mardian, and Kenneth Parkinson, which concluded on January 1, 1975. Dean’s lawyer moved to have his sentence reduced, and on January 8, Sirica granted the motion, adjusting Dean’s sentence to time served, which wound up being four months. With his conviction for felony offenses, Dean was disbarred as a lawyer, so could no longer practice law.

Life after Watergate
John Dean in 2008 at the annual conference of the Society of American Archivists.

Shortly after Watergate, Dean became an investment banker, author, and lecturer.

Dean chronicled his White House experiences, with a focus on Watergate, in the memoirs Blind Ambition (1976) and Lost Honor (1982). Blind Ambition would become the point of controversy for many years after its publication.

In 1992, he hired famed attorney Neil Papiano and brought the first in a series of defamation suits against G. Gordon Liddy for claims in Liddy’s book Will, and St. Martin’s Press for its publication of the book Silent Coup by Len Colodny and Robert Gettlin. Silent Coup alleged (with documentation) that Dean was the mastermind of the Watergate burglaries and the Watergate coverup, and the true target of the burglaries was to seize information implicating Dean and Maureen Biner (his then-fiancée) in a prostitution ring. After hearing of Colodny’s work, Liddy issued a revised paperback version of Will supporting Colodny’s theory.[4] This theory was subsequently the subject of an A&E Network Investigative Reports series program entitled The Key to Watergate in 1992. [5] In the preface to his 2006 book, Conservatives Without Conscience, Dean strongly denied Colodny’s theory, pointing out that Colodny’s chief source (Phillip Mackin Bailley) had been in and out of mental institutions. Dean settled the defamation suit against Colodny and his publisher, St. Martin’s Press, on terms which Dean stated in the book’s preface he could not divulge under the terms of the settlement, other than stating that  the Deans were satisfied.  In the footnote to this portion of the preface, Dean stated that the federal judge handling the case forced a settlement with Liddy.[6]

Dean retired from investment banking in 2000, and continued work as an author and lecturer, and also became a columnist for FindLaw’s Writ online magazine. He currently resides in Beverly Hills, California.

In 2001, Dean published The Rehnquist Choice, an exposé of the White House’s selection process for a new Supreme Court justice in 1971, which led to the accession of William Rehnquist to the United States’ highest court. Three years later, Dean authored a book heavily critical of the administration of George W. Bush, entitled Worse than Watergate, which called for the impeachment of Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney for lying to the Congress.
His subsequent book, released in summer 2006, is titled Conservatives without Conscience, a play on Barry Goldwater’s The Conscience of a Conservative. In it, he asserts that post-Barry Goldwater conservatism has been co-opted by people with authoritarian personalities and policies (citing data from Robert Altemeyer). According to Dean, modern conservatism, specifically in the Christian Right, embraces obedience, inequality, intolerance, and strong intrusive government, in stark contrast to Goldwater’s philosophies and policies. Using Altemeyer’s scholarly work, he contends that there is a tendency toward ethically questionable political practices when authoritarians are placed in positions of power, and that the current political situation is dangerously unsound because of it. Dean cites the behavior of key members of the Republican leadership — including George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Tom DeLay, Newt Gingrich and Bill Frist — as clear evidence of a relationship between modern right-wing conservativism and this authoritarian approach to governance. He places particular emphasis on the abdication of checks and balances by the Republican Congress, and of the dishonesty of the conservative intellectual class in support of the GOP, as a result of the obedience and arrogance innate to the authoritarian mentality.

After the revelation that George W. Bush authorized NSA wiretaps without warrants, Dean asserted that Bush is  the first President to admit to an impeachable offense .[7] On March 31, 2006, Dean testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee during hearings on censuring the president over the issue. Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wis.), who sponsored the censure resolution, introduced Dean as a  patriot  who put  rule of law above the interests of the president.  In his testimony, Dean asserted that Richard Nixon covered up Watergate because he believed it was in the interest of national security. This sparked a sharp debate with Republican South Carolina senator Lindsey Graham, who repeatedly asserted that Nixon authorized the break-in at Democratic headquarters. Dean finally replied,  You’re showing you don’t know that subject very well.  According to Washington Post reporter Dana Milbank,  Spectators laughed, and soon the senator was sputtering mad. [8]

In the 1979 TV mini-series, Blind Ambition, Dean was played by Martin Sheen. In the 1995 film, Nixon, Dean was played by David Hyde Pierce. In the 1999 film Dick, Dean was played by Jim Breuer.

Dean frequently serves as a guest on the MSNBC show, Countdown with Keith Olbermann, and the Randi Rhodes Show on the Nova M Radio network.

In January, 2009, a new controversy arose about Dean. Historian Stanley Kutler was accused of editing the Nixon tapes to make Dean appear in a more favorable light.[1]


* Dean, John W. (1976). Blind Ambition: The White House Years. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0671224387.
* Dean, John W. (1982). Lost Honor. Stratford Press. ISBN 0-936906-15-4.
* Dean, John W. (2001). The Rehnquist Choice: The Untold Story of the Nixon Appointment that Redefined the Supreme Court. Free Press. ISBN 0-7432-2607-0.
* Dean, John W. (2002). Unmasking Deep Throat. Salon.com. ISBN 0-9721874-1-3.
* Dean, John W.; Schlesinger, Arthur M. (2004). Warren G. Harding (The American Presidents). Times Books. ISBN 0-8050-6956-9.
* Dean, John W. (2004). Worse than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George W. Bush. Little, Brown. ISBN 0-316-00023-X.
* Dean, John W. (2006). Conservatives without Conscience. Viking Adult. ISBN 0-670-03774-5.
* Dean, John W. (2007). Broken Government: How Republican Rule Destroyed the Legislative, Executive and Judicial Branches. Viking Adult. ISBN 0-670-01820-1.
* Dean, John W.; Goldwater, Barry M., Jr. (2008). Pure Goldwater. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1403977410.


1. ^ Federal Bureau of Investigation, Office of Planning and Evaluation. FBI Watergate Investigation: OPE Analysis. July 5, 1974. File Number 139-4089. p.11
2. ^ Rothschild, Matthew.  An Interview with John Dean,  Progressive Magazine (2006-05-20)
3. ^ Leahy, Michael (2008-10-13).  Seeing White House From a Cell in Hanoi . Washington Post: p. Page A01.  …Nixon White House counsel John Dean, a close family friend of the Goldwaters.
4. ^ Bates, Stephen (5 February 2001).  Flipping His Liddy . Slate.com. http://slate.msn.com/id/1007011/.
5. ^ Dean, John Doing Legal, Political, and Historical Research on the Internet: Using Blog Forums, Open Source Dictionaries, and More, Findlaw, September 9, 2005. Taylor Branch states:  Blind Ambition (ghostwriter for John Dean) (Simon & Schuster: 1979)  under the heading  Past Writing .
6. ^ Dean, John: Conservatives Without Conscience, Viking, 2006.
7. ^ Jackson, David (28 December 2005).  War-powers debate on front burner . USA Today. http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2005-12-28-war-powers_x.htm.
8. ^ Milbank, Dana (1 April 2006).  Watergate Remembered, After a Fashion . Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/03/31/AR2006033101721.html.


* Sussman, Barry (1992). The Great Coverup: Nixon and the Scandal of Watergate (3rd Ed.). Seven Locks Press. ISBN 0-929765-09-5.
*  The Watergate Files . The Watergate Files presented by The Gerald R. Ford Museum & Library. http://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/museum/exhibits/watergate_files/. Retrieved on March 6 2005.
* The Key To Watergate (1992) Barbara Newman Productions (for A&E Network’s Investigative Reports series).[2]

External links
Sister project     Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: John Dean
* Worse Than Watergate: Former Nixon Counsel John Dean Says Bush Should Be Impeached Democracy Now , April 6, 2004, interview with John Dean
* Doing Legal, Political, and Historical Research on the Internet Using Blog Forums, Open Source Dictionaries, and More John Dean, Findlaw, September 9, 2005
* Video of John Dean interview by Keith Olberman on Countdown with Keith Olbermann about Dean’s book Conservatives Without Conscience on July 11, 2006, at Crooks and Liars, YouTube
* Spartacus Educational Biography

Legal offices
Preceded by
Chuck Colson     White House Counsel
1970-73     Succeeded by
Leonard Garment

White House Counsels
Rosenman • Clifford • Murphy • Stephens • Shanley • Morgan • Kendall • Sorensen • Feldman • Serner • Temple • Colson • Dean • Garment • Casselman • Buchen • Lipshutz • Cutler • Fielding • Wallison • Culvahouse • Gray • Nussbaum • Cutler • Mikva • Quinn • Davis • Ruff • Nolan • Gonzales • Miers • Fielding • Craig

Retrieved from  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Dean
Categories: 1938 births | Living people | White House Counsels | United States presidential advisors | Watergate figures | American criminals | American anti-Iraq War activists | American memoirists | American political writers | Colgate University alumni | Disbarred American lawyers | Georgetown University alumni | College of Wooster alumni | People from Akron, Ohio



Capital City Partners, LLC


American Conservative Union
People related to American Conservative Union:
Jeffrey Bell – director
Morton Blackwell – director
Floyd Brown – director
Jameson Campaigne Jr. – first vice chairman
Al Cardenas – director
Muriel Coleman – director
Becky Norton Dunlop – director
Alan M. Gottlieb – director
Van D. Hipp Jr. – director
Charles W. Jarvis – director
David A. Keene – chairman
James V. Lacy – director
Wayne R. LaPierre Jr. – director
Michael R. Long – director
Robert Luddy – director
Serphin Maltese – director
Carolyn D. Meadows – director
M.J. Mintz – director
Cleta Mitchell – director
Joseph A. Morris – director
Grover Norquist – director
Ronald E. Robinson – director
Allen Roth – director
Lewis Uhler – director
Kirby Wilbur – director
Thomas S. Winter – first vice chairman
American Conservative Union past relationships:
Robert L. Barr Jr. – fellow (Bob Barr)
Charles R. Black Jr. – director



Robert L. Barr Jr.
Robert L. Barr Jr.
Robert L. Barr Jr. personal relations:
Derek Barr – son
Ron Paul – friend
Other current Robert L. Barr Jr. relationships:
Bob Barr Leadership Fund – PAC
Georgetown Journal of Law and Public Policy – member, board of advisers
Libertarian Party – 2008 presidential nominee
Liberty Strategies LLC – principal
National Rifle Association of America – board member
Robert L. Barr Jr. past relationships:
2008 Bob Barr presidential campaign – candidate
American Conservative Union – fellow
American Spectator – contributing editor
Defense of Marriage Act of 1996 – introduced
U.S. Department of Justice – U.S. attorney
U.S. House of Representatives – member

Robert L. Barr Jr. connections, once removed:
Robert L. Barr Jr. is connected to …
Campaign for Liberty >> through Ron Paul
Joint Economic Committee >> through Ron Paul
Ball Janik LLP >> through National Rifle Association of America
NRA Institute for Legislative Action >> through National Rifle Association of America
NRA Political Victory Fund >> through National Rifle Association of America
NRANews.com >> through National Rifle Association of America
Ogilvy Government Relations >> through National Rifle Association of America
Scheunemann & Associates >> through National Rifle Association of America
Sonnenschein Nath & Rosenthal LLP >> through National Rifle Association of America
Derek Barr >> through Liberty Strategies LLC
J. Kenneth Blackwell >> through National Rifle Association of America
Larry E. Craig >> through National Rifle Association of America
Sean Haugh >> through Libertarian Party
Gilbert A. Macklin >> through Liberty Strategies LLC
Grover Norquist >> through National Rifle Association of America
Sarah Palin >> through National Rifle Association of America
Amy Scruggs >> through Liberty Strategies LLC
John C. Sigler >> through National Rifle Association of America
Mercury Group, Inc. >> through National Rifle Association of America
Note: This may be a partial list. Click on the map above to explore more connections.



David A. Keene
David A. Keene current relationships:
American Conservative Union – chairman
Carmen Group Inc. – managing associate
David A. Keene past relationships:
1980 George H.W. Bush presidential campaign – national political director
Spiro Agnew – special assistant
David A. Keene connections, once removed:
David A. Keene is connected to …
Jeffrey Bell >> through American Conservative Union
Morton Blackwell >> through American Conservative Union
Floyd Brown >> through American Conservative Union
Jameson Campaigne Jr. >> through American Conservative Union
Al Cardenas >> through American Conservative Union
David M. Carmen >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Muriel Coleman >> through American Conservative Union
Becky Norton Dunlop >> through American Conservative Union
Alan M. Gottlieb >> through American Conservative Union
Van D. Hipp Jr. >> through American Conservative Union
Charles W. Jarvis >> through American Conservative Union
James V. Lacy >> through American Conservative Union
Wayne R. LaPierre Jr. >> through American Conservative Union
Michael R. Long >> through American Conservative Union
Robert Luddy >> through American Conservative Union
Serphin Maltese >> through American Conservative Union
Carolyn D. Meadows >> through American Conservative Union
M.J. Mintz >> through American Conservative Union
Cleta Mitchell >> through American Conservative Union
Joseph A. Morris >> through American Conservative Union
Constance Berry Newman >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Grover Norquist >> through American Conservative Union
Ronald E. Robinson >> through American Conservative Union
Allen Roth >> through American Conservative Union
Lewis Uhler >> through American Conservative Union
Kirby Wilbur >> through American Conservative Union
Thomas S. Winter >> through American Conservative Union
Advanced Drainage Systems >> through Carmen Group Inc.
ADVO, Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Aegis Defence Services, Ltd. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Aegis Defense Services, LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Alarm Industry Telecommunications >> through Carmen Group Inc.
American Road & Transportation Builders >> through Carmen Group Inc.
BAE Systems Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Bossdev, Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Bronx Regional Health Information Organization >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Calaveras County (CA) Water District >> through Carmen Group Inc.
California State Coastal Conservancy >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Cellcom USA LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Chicago Science Group LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Computer Sciences Corporation >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Davidson Kempner Capital Management LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Denton County (TX) Transportation Authority >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Discovery Communications Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Ezenia  Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Florida Manufacturing Extension Partnership >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Florida Power & Light Company >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Francis Lauer Youth Services >> through Carmen Group Inc.
General Contractors Association of New York Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Greater New York Hospital Association >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Harris Bank >> through Carmen Group Inc.
HealthSouth Corporation >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Hoffman-Streuver Waterfront LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Hyundai Motor Co. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Iraqi Red Crescent Organization >> through Carmen Group Inc.
J.C. Flowers & Co., LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Larsen & Toubro Ltd. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Major Medicaid Hospital Coalition >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Massachusetts Manufacturing Extension Partnership >> through Carmen Group Inc.
MedStar Health >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Metra >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Montefiore Medical Center >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Napa County (CA) Flood Control & Water Conservation District >> through Carmen Group Inc.
National Association of Flood & Stormwater Management Agencies >> through Carmen Group Inc.
National Association of Publicly Traded Partnerships >> through Carmen Group Inc.
National Employment Opportunities Network >> through Carmen Group Inc.
New York Roadway Improvement Coalition >> through Carmen Group Inc.
New York-Presbyterian Hospital >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Norman Regional Hospital Foundation >> through Carmen Group Inc.
North Lake Tahoe Resort Association >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Princeton Global LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Proengin Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Related Companies >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Riverside County (CA) Flood Control & Water Conservation >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Riverside South Planning Corp. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Rotem Company >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Santa Clara Valley Water District >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Saturation Mailers Coalition >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Siegel and Gale, LLC >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Tahoe Regional Planning Agency >> through Carmen Group Inc.
U.S. JHI Corporation >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Ullico >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Urban Services Systems Corp. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Value Options Inc. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Walgreen Co. >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Washington Suburban Sanitary Commission >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Western Development Corporation >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Yougov Plc >> through Carmen Group Inc.
Note: This may be a partial list. Click on the map above to explore more connections.

Richard V. Allen
Richard V. Allen current relationships:
Hoover Institution – senior fellow
Richard V. Allen past relationships:
Richard M. Nixon administration – foreign policy coordinator
Ronald Reagan administration – national security adviser
Richard V. Allen connections, once removed:


Richard V. Allen
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Richard Vincent Allen (born 1936) was the United States National Security Advisor to President Ronald Reagan from 1981 to 1982.

Allen received his B.A. and M.A. degrees from the University of Notre Dame. He served as a senior staff member of President Nixon’s National Security Council in 1968 and served various Republican administrations up to and including that of President Reagan.

In November 1981, while serving as Reagan’s National Security Advisor, Allen was accused of receiving a bribe from a Japanese journalist for setting up an interview with First Lady Nancy Reagan, that was done in January 1981. Ronald Reagan said, in his diary, that the Japanese magazine gave cash gifts to people that it interviewed, and that Allen had stepped in to intercept the check to avoid embarrassment for Nancy Reagan, then gave the check to his secretary, who put the check in an office safe. Then when Allen changed offices, the check was found left in the safe. The FBI cleared everyone involved, then the Justice Department began its own investigation, and the story got leaked to the press. Reagan believes it was just political sabotage behind leaking the story.[1] Although the claims were never proven, Allen was eventually pressured into resigning his position.

He is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, and a member of the Heritage Foundation’s Asian Studies Center Advisory Council, the Council on Foreign Relations, the United States Defense Policy Board, the American Alternative Foundation, and the United States National Security Advisory Group. He also serves on the advisory council of the Nixon Center.

Allen is president of the Richard V. Allen Company, a Washington-based consulting services firm. He provides consulting services to international companies and organizations. He currently serves on APCO Worldwide’s Iraq reconstruction task force and is considered one of the most influential lobbyists in Washington for South Korean interests.[2]

* Allen, Richard V. (1969). Yearbook On International Communist Affairs 1968. Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 0-8179-1801-9.


1. ^ Reagan, Ronald. edited by Douglas Brinkley The Reagan Diaries 2007. New York: HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-0876005
2. ^ APCO @ PR Firms.org

External links

* Richard V. Allen profile, NNDB.
* Statement of Richard Allen before the Subcommittee on Terrorism and Homeland Security of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, October 11, 2001.
* Letter to President Bush on the War on Terrorism, signed by Richard V. Allen, September 20, 2001.
* Interview with Miller Center of Public Affairs – Presidential Oral History Program.

Legal offices
Preceded by
Zbigniew Brzezinski     United States National Security Advisor
1981—1982     Succeeded by
William P. Clark, Jr.

National Security Advisors of the United States
Cutler • Anderson • Jackson • Cutler • Gray • Bundy • Rostow • Kissinger • Scowcroft • Brzezinski • Allen • Clark • McFarlane • Poindexter • Carlucci • Powell • Scowcroft • Lake • Berger • Rice • Hadley • Jones
White House Logo
Retrieved from  http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_V._Allen
Categories: 1936 births | Living people | United States National Security Advisors | United States presidential advisors | Reagan Administration personnel | Heritage Foundation | University of Notre Dame alumni


United States Defense Policy Board
the American Alternative Foundation
United States National Security Advisory Group

Council on Foreign Relations
a member of the Heritage Foundation’s Asian Studies Center Advisory Council
senior fellow at the Hoover Institution,
Council for National Policy,
Richard Allen is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution. The holder of a master’s degree in political science from the University of Notre Dame, Allen was a senior staff member at Hoover from 1966 to 1968, at which time he took a leave of absence to serve as Richard Nixon’s foreign policy coordinator. He subsequently served twice in the Nixon White House. He was Ronald Reagan’s chief foreign policy adviser from 1977 to 1980 and served as President Reagan’s first national security adviser from 1981 to 1982. A Hoover fellow since 1983, he is currently a member of the U.S. Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee.

Richard V. Allen
Senior Fellow

Expertise: Foreign and national security policy, international trade and economic policy, Asia and the Pacific Basin



The Rockefeller Commission report reveals excesses committed by the CIA, and the president dismisses Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger and CIA director William E. Colby November 2. The Senate confirms former congressman and Nixon administration cabinet member Donald H. (Harold) Rumsfeld, 43, as secretary of defense November 11; the Chicago-born navy air veteran takes office November 20, and his Nebraska-born, Wyoming-raised White House colleague Richard B. (Bruce) Cheney, 34, becomes Ford’s chief of staff, a position he will hold until January 1977. The Church Committee’s hearings go on and will continue for 18 months (see 1976).

Nationalist China’s Chiang Kai-shek dies of a heart attack at Taipei April 5 at age 87 after 26 years as president of the Republic (Taiwan). His widow, now 78, retires to New York, where she will have a large Manhattan apartment plus a 36-acre Long Island estate at Lattingtown; Chiang’s diabetic son (by a previous wife) Chiang Ching-kuo, 64, continues as premier and will assume the presidency in 1978, continuing the repressive rule that has brooked no dissent since the takeover of the island from Japan in 1945.


The satellite Aryabhata launched by India April 19 is that country’s first. Scientists have used a former Soviet intercosmos rocket to get the satellite into near Earth orbit carrying three payloads, one each for X-ray astronomy, solar physics, and aeronomy (see 1979).

The first U.S.-Soviet space linkup takes place July 18. Astronauts Thomas P. Stafford, Donald K. Slayton, and Van D. Brand exchange visits 140 miles above Earth with cosmonauts Aleksei A. Leonov and Valery N. Kubasov, whose Soyuz spacecraft lands safely in the Soviet Union July 21. The Apollo astronauts splash down in the Pacific 3 days later, ending the Apollo missions.

The People’s Republic of China launches its third satellite (and first recoverable satellite) November 26 (see 1971). The Fanhui Shi Weixing is retrieved 3 days later (see 1981).



Arthur Levitt – was at least telling the truth on bloomberg 7.57 a.m. – check online later – [03-11-09] – I was watching while putting this set of references together last night – I’ve got to go look it up to see what was saying that prompted this quick note –


Conservative Digest begins publication at Washington, D.C., under the aegis of direct-mail veteran Richard Viguerie to promote a right-wing agenda (see 1965). Now 41, Viguerie has organized political action committees that have secured the election of congressmen and senators sympathetic to his views; he will whip up indignation at Supreme Court rulings such as the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision and encourage religious fundamentalists to involve themselves in politics.


Soldier of Fortune magazine begins publication at Boulder, Colo., where retired U.S. Army colonel Robert K. Brown, 42, edits the supermarket tabloid whose target readers are mercenaries (or mercenary wannabes) and anyone else fascinated by combat and conflict.




End Game

Early in February 1973 Richard Helms departed CIA headquarters, his ears filled with the sound of heart-felt applause from agency colleagues packed in the main lobby of CIA’s headquarters building in Langley, Virginia.[17] He had served as DCI longer than any other person up to that point save Allen Dulles, and he had been under pressure throughout his tenure to strengthen his community-wide leadership and management role. By 1973, administration complaints about his running of the Intelligence Community had become rumors fed by White House aide Charles Colson to justify Helms’s removal.[18]





Alexander M. Haig Jr.
Alexander M. Haig Jr. current relationships:
Atlantic Council of the United States – honorary director
Foreign Policy Research Institute – director
Hudson Institute – trustee
MGM Mirage – director
US-CIS Ventures, Inc. – co-founder
Worldwide Associates, Inc. – chairman
Alexander M. Haig Jr. past relationships:
2008 John McCain presidential campaign – supporter
L. Paul Bremer III – executive secretary
Richard M. Nixon – chief of staff
Ronald Reagan administration – secretary of state
U.S. Department of State – secretary
Alexander M. Haig Jr. connections, once removed:
Alexander M. Haig Jr. is connected to …
Cassidy & Associates >> through MGM Mirage   >> Map it
MGM Mirage PAC >> through MGM Mirage   >> Map it


SaVi Media Group Announces the Appointments of General Alexander M. Haig, Jr. and Son to Serve on Advisory Board
Business Wire ,  June 7, 2005

ANAHEIM, Calif. — SaVi Media Group – (OTCBB: SVMI) today announced the appointment of Former Secretary of State, General Alexander M. Haig, and his son, Alexander P. Haig, to the Company’s Advisory Board. In addition, SaVi Media has entered into Financial Advisory Agreement with Worldwide Associates, Inc., a Washington, DC company owned and operated by General Haig. Worldwide Associates will provide advice to the Company with respect to the direction of SaVi Media’s research, product development activities, corporate financing, marketing, and corporate relations.
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Since 1984, General Haig has been Chairman and President of Worldwide Associates, Inc., a business advisor to both U.S. and foreign companies in connection with international marketing and venture capital activities. From January 1981 until July 1982, General Haig served as Secretary of State of the United States for the Reagan Administration. From December 1979 until January 1981, he was President and Chief Operating Officer of United Technologies Corporation and is currently a senior Consultant to such corporation. From 1974 through 1979, General Haig was the Supreme Allied Commander of NATO and previously was White House Chief of Staff under both the Nixon and Ford Administrations. General Haig was a founding director of America Online, Inc. and currently serves on the Board of Directors of MGM Mirage, Inc. and XVionics, Inc. He is also the host of a weekly television program,  World Business Review .

Alexander P. Haig has served since 1988 as the managing director of Worldwide Associate Inc. From 1992 to 1996, Mr. Haig has also served as president of US CIS Ventures, a privately held company active in transactions and projects in China and the former Soviet Union. From 1999 to 2002, he also served as Chairman and CEO of Sky Station International, Inc., a privately held telecommunications company. He has worked on a wide variety of projects for Worldwide Associates in providing strategic and financial advice to a broad range of companies from early stage through initial public offerings, including America Online Inc. He currently serves on the Board of Directors of DOR BioPharma Inc. Previously a partner in a large private law firm, Mr. Haig concentrated on international trade and corporate matters. He received his undergraduate and law degrees from Georgetown University.

Dr. Mario Procopio, Chief Executive Officer of SaVi Media, commented,  I believe that these new additions to the Advisory Board will greatly strengthen the team at SaVi Media and provide the Company with the advice and contacts necessary to advance the marketing and roll out of our technologies.

General Haig stated,  I look forward to working with SaVi Media and participating in the deployment of its patented technologies, which decrease environmental pollution while at the same time increasing fuel mileage in both gas and diesel engines. In light of today’s rising fuel prices, SaVi Media’s technology is a potential benefit to consumers as well as our national economic and strategic interests.

About SaVi Media, Inc.

SaVi Media Group, Inc. is the catalyst of today’ s industry in blow-by gas and crank case engine emission reduction technology. Through the development of the patented POWER VALVE ECV-1 and COREC System, the SaVi Media Group has revolutionized engine competence by increasing horsepower and fuel efficiency while reducing air pollutants and operation costs.
COPYRIGHT 2005 Business Wire
COPYRIGHT 2008 Gale, Cengage Learning



SOURCE: Conforce International, Inc.
May 14, 2007 16:15 ET
Conforce International Signs Agreement With General Alexander Haig and Mr. A.P. Haig of Washington, D.C. Firm, Worldwide Associates
Highlighted Links

Conforce International, Inc.


TORONTO — (MARKET WIRE) — May 14, 2007 — Conforce International, Inc. (PINKSHEETS: CFRI) ( Conforce  or the  Company ) is pleased to announce that it has entered into an Agreement with Worldwide Associates, Inc., a Washington, D.C. company owned and operated by General Alexander M. Haig, Jr. and his son Alexander P. Haig. Under the Advisory Agreement, Worldwide Associates will provide Conforce with assistance, expertise and advice in the key areas of sales, marketing, business development and corporate finance.

Prior to forming Worldwide Associates, General Alexander Haig served as Secretary of State of the United States for the Reagan Administration; White House Chief of Staff under both the Nixon and Ford Administrations; and was the Supreme Allied Commander of NATO. General Haig was also a founding director of America Online, Inc.; and was the former President and Chief Operating Officer of United Technologies Corporation, where he currently serves as a senior consultant. General Haig also currently serves on the Board of Directors of MGM Mirage, Inc.; Tigris Pharmaceuticals, Inc.; Transcutaneous Technologies, Inc.; and XVionics, Inc.

Another key member of the Worldwide Associates organization is Mr. Alexander P. Haig. Previously a partner in a large private law firm where he specialized in international trade and corporate matters, Mr. Haig received his undergraduate and law degrees from Georgetown University. Since 1988, Mr. Haig has served as the Managing Director of Worldwide Associates, Inc., where he has worked on a wide variety of projects providing strategic and financial advice to a broad range of companies from early stage development through initial public offerings. Mr. Haig has provided advisory services to America Online, Inc.; served as President of US-CIS Ventures, a privately held company active in transactions and projects in China and the former Soviet Union; and served as Chairman and CEO of Sky Station International, Inc., a privately held telecommunications company. Mr. Haig currently serves on the Board of Directors of Dharma Therapeutics, Inc. and XVionics, Inc.

Marino Kulas, President and CEO of Conforce, commented,  We are extremely pleased to be working with notable and respected professionals such as General Haig and Mr. Haig. We believe that this new relationship with Worldwide Associates will greatly strengthen the team at Conforce and provide the Company with the advice and contacts necessary to advance the marketing and roll out of our technologies.  General Haig stated,  I look forward to working with Conforce and participating in the deployment of its technologies, particularly EKO-FLOR, which has the potential to dramatically change the way containers and highway trailers are made.

About Conforce International

Management of the Company has been in the container business for over 25 years. In addition to the company’s Terminal Operations division that provides complete services to International Shipping Lines through its 5,000+ container facility, Conforce has developed a revolutionary composite product designed to change the way shipping containers are made, worldwide. The environmentally friendly product, registered as EKO-FLOR, was recently certified by the American Bureau of Shipping for use in shipping containers. The product was officially launched on December 5th, 2006 at the 31st annual Intermodal Conference in Hamburg Germany, the world’s leading container event. For more information on the Company, its EKO-FLOR product, or its Terminal Operations, please visit: http://www.conforce1.com.

WEB-SITE: http://www.conforce1.com
Click here to see all recent news from this company


(Incorporated in the Republic of Singapore)
(Company Registration Number: 196800320E)

The Board of Directors of Transcu Group Limited (the “Company”) wishes to announce the
(a) The appointment of Mr. Hironori Aihara as the Non-Executive Chairman of
the Company with effect from 14 November 2008. Mr. Aihara is also a
Director of Pasona, Inc. and VeriSign Japan K.K.. He was with Mitsubishi
Corporation from 1962 to 2003 and held the position of an Executive Vice
President. He was the President of Mitsubishi International from 2000 to 2001,
a Director of Vodafone KK and the Chairman of the Board of Space
Communications Corporation. He was formerly a member of the Advisory
Committee for the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry in Japan, the
National Cabinet Science and Technologies Committee (Biotechnology
Project), the Advisory Board of Ripplewood Holdings, Japan Industrial
Partners and the Advisory Board of Lehman Brothers Japan, Inc, and an
auditor of the Central Japan Railway Company. Mr. Aihara graduated with a
Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Tokyo (School of
Engineering) in 1962.
(b) The appointment of Mr. Akihiko Matsumura as the Executive Director and the
Chief Executive Officer of the Company with effect from 14 November 2008.
Mr. Matsumura is also a Director of the other Transcu Group companies,
namely TTI ellebeau, Inc. and Dharma Therapeutics, Inc.. He is the founder
of the Transcu Group and was previously also the President of I-Deal Coms,
Inc. from 1999 to 2002. Mr. Matsumura graduated with a Bachelor of Arts
degree from Hokkaido University (School of Law) in 1980.
(c) The appointment of Mr. Tasuku Okubo as the Executive Director of the
Company with effect from 14 November 2008. Mr. Okubo is also the
Executive Vice President (Planning and Administration) of the Transcu Group.
Mr. Okubo is presently also a Representative Director of TTI ellebeau, Inc..
Prior to the restructuring of the Transcu Group, he worked in Transcutaneous
Technologies, Inc. (“TTI”) from 2004 to 2007, where he was previously a
Director and General Manager of the Business Administration Division and
was also in charge of the Internal Audit Department in TTI. Before joining the
Transcu Group, he rose through the ranks in Aozora Bank (previously known
as The Nippon Credit Bank, Ltd.) for 33 years from 1970 to 2003 and was a
General Manager of its International Business Planning Division, and
President of its subsidiary, Aozora Trust Bank, Ltd.. Mr. Okubo graduated
with a Bachelor of Arts degree from Hitotsubashi University (School of
Economics) in 1970 and a Masters of Arts degree from the University of
Cambridge in 1977.
(d) The appointment of Dr. James Morley Anderson as the Independent Director
of the Company with effect from 14 November 2008. Dr. Anderson is a
Professor of Pathology, Macromolecular Science and Biomedical
Engineering in the Department of Pathology at Case Western Reserve
University since 1984 and is also a Member of the National Academy of
Science and the US Army Medical Research Committee. He is an External
Consultant to the Total Artificial Heart Program of the National Heart, Lung
and Blood Institute and a Co-Chair of Working Group 1 in the Development of
the ISO Standard on Biological Evaluation of Medical Devices. He was
awarded the Elsevier Biomaterials Gold Medal in 2005 for the most
accumulated significant contributions to biomaterials science by an individual
from 1980 to 2005. Dr. Anderson graduated with a bachelor’s degree in
chemistry from the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire in 1963. He received
his Ph.D in Chemistry from Oregon State University in 1967 and a Doctor of
Medicine degree (M.D.) from the Case Western Reserve University in 1976.
(e) The appointment of Mr. Alexander Meigs Haig, Jr. as the Independent
Director of the Company with effect from 14 November 2008. Presently, he
also serves as the Chairman and President of Worldwide Associates, Inc.
from 1983, a Director of XVionics, Inc., a Director of MGM Mirage (MGM), a
Director of Tigris Pharmaceuticals, Inc., and the host of the television
programme, “World Business Review”. He was formerly the Chief of Staff at
the White House for Presidents Nixon and Ford from 1972 to 1974, Four Star
General, Vice Chief of Staff of the US Army, the Supreme Allied Commander
of Europe from 1974 to 1979, the Secretary of State of the United States from
1981 to 1982, the President and Chief Operating Officer of United
Technologies Corporation from 1979 to 1981, a Founding Director of Amercia
Online, Inc and a Director of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, Inc.. Mr. Haig Jr.
graduated with a Bachelor of Science degree from the US Military Academy
in 1947, and received a Master’s Degree in International Relations from
Georgetown University in 1962.
(f) The appointment of Mr. Alexander Patrick Haig as an Alternate Director to Mr.
Alexander M. Haig, Jr. on the Board of the Company with effect from 14
November 2008. He is the Managing Director of Worldwide Associates, Inc.
since 1988 and is presently also a Director of XVionics, Inc.. He formerly
served as a Litigation Attorney of the U.S. Department of Energy from 1977
to 1981, and was a Partner at Finley, Kumble Law Firm (International
corporate business and litigation) from 1981 to 1988. He was the President of
US-CIS Ventures from 1992 to 1996 and the Chairman and CEO of Sky
Station International from 1999 to 2002. Mr. Haig graduated with a Bachelor
of Arts degree from Georgetown University in 1974 and a Juris Doctor degree
from Georgetown University Law Center in 1977.
(g) The appointment of Mr. Richard Lee Armitage as the Independent Director of
the Company with effect from 14 November 2008. He is also a Director of
Conoco-Philips and a Director of MANTECH International Corporation, as
well as the President of Armitage International. He was the president of
Armitage Associates L.C. from 1983 to 2001. He was previously the Deputy
Secretary of State of the United States of America from 2001 to 2005, the
Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs from 1983 to
1989, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia and Pacific
Affairs from 1981 to 1983 and a Military Attache in the US Embassy in
Saigon (Vietnam) from 1973 to 1975. Mr. Armitage graduated with a Bachelor
of Science degree in Engineering from the US Naval Academy in 1967.
(h) The appointment of Mrs. Lee Suet Fern as the Independent Director of the
Company with effect from 14 November 2008. She is a practicing advocate
and solicitor in Singapore and has extensive experience as a corporate law
practitioner with a focus on mergers and acquisitions, equity and debt capital
markets and corporate restructuring in Singapore and the region. Mrs. Lee
has been a Senior Director of Stamford Law Corporation since 2000.
(i) The appointment of Mr. Lim Ho Kee as the Independent Director of the
Company with effect from 14 November 2008. Mr. Lim presently sits on the
boards of various Singapore listed companies, including Singapore Post
Limited, Jardine Cycle & Carriage Limited, Keppel Land Limited, and MCL
Land Limited. He also previously served as a Director on the respective
boards of CWT Ltd., Mentor Media Ltd., Singapore Shipping Corporation Ltd.
and Vertex Venture Holdings Ltd. Mr. Lim graudated with a Bachelor of
Science degree in Economics from the London School of Economics, United
Kingdom, in 1986.
(j) The appointment of Mr. Lim Kok Hoong as the Independent Director of the
Company with effect from 14 November 2008. Mr. Lim currently sits on the
boards of various companies, including Parkway Trust Management Ltd,
Genting International PLC, Hoe Leong Corporation Ltd and Singapore
Tourism Board, and is a member of the Audit Committee of the Agency for
Science Technology & Research (A*STAR). He previously also served on the
boards of Sembcorp Logistics Ltd, Stratech Systems Limited, Oakville
Ventures Co., Ltd, and Stonegate China Properties Ltd, among other
companies. He was with Arthur Andersen Singapore from 1990 to 2002,
where he was the Managing Partner. Mr. Lim is a member of the Institute of
Chartered Accountants in Australia and the Institute of Certified Public
Accountants of Singapore. Mr. Lim graduated with a Bachelor pf Commerce
from the University of Western Australia in 1971.
(k) The appointment of Mr. Kensuke Hotta as the Independent Director of the
Company with effect from 14 November 2008. Mr. Hotta is the Chairman of
Hotta Partners Inc. since October 2007 and he is currently an auditor of
Mitsui O.S.K. Lines, Ltd. and Seiren Co., Ltd. and a director of Komatsu Ltd..
He was previously appointed as the Chairman and Representative Director of
Morgan Stanley Japan Securities Co., Ltd. from 2001 to 2008. He was also
previously the Deputy President (Corporate Finance) of The Sumitomo Bank
Ltd. where he worked from 1962 to 2000. Mr. Hotta graduated with a
Bachelor of Economics from Keio University in 1962.
In consequence thereof, the composition of the Audit Committee, the Nominating
Committee and the Remuneration Committee shall comprise the following members
of the Board with effect from 14 November 2008:-
(a) Audit Committee
(i) Mr. Lim Kok Hoong (Chairman)
(ii) Mrs. Lee Suet Fern (Member)
(iii) Mr. Lim Ho Kee (Member)
(b) Nominating Committee
(i) Mrs. Lee Suet Fern (Chairman)
(ii) Mr. Hironori Aihara (Member)
(iii) Mr. Aihiko Matsumura (Member)
(iv) Mr. James M. Anderson (Member)
(v) Mr. Alexander M. Haig, Jr (Member)
(c) Remuneration Committee
(i) Mr. Lim Ho Kee (Chairman)
(ii) Mr. Hironori Aihara (Member)
(iii) Mr. Richard L. Armitage (Member)
(iv) Mrs. Lee Suet Fern (Member)
(v) Mr. Kensuke Hotta (Member)
The Board wishes to announce that Ms. Gwendolyn Gn Jong Yuh has been
appointed Secretary of the Company in place of Ms. Helen Campos who has
resigned as Secretary with effect from 14 November 2008.
By Order of the Board of Directors
Tasuku Okubo
Executive Director
18 November 2008

Report title: Transcu Group Ltd – All Holders Report
from Thomson Ownership
published Feb 26, 2009

Price $210.00 available for immediate download Microsoft Excel
Report Overview
Source: Thomson Ownership
Company: Transcu Group Ltd
Summary: Detailing positions held by 20 holders (representing 50.68% of total shares outstanding)
Ticker: E15.SG
Sedol: 6306371
Exchange: Singapore, Singapore
Industry: Entertainment
Please Note: The title  All Holders Report  refers to all holdings of certain large stakeholders, such as institutions, mutual funds, beneficial and/or insider holdersExplain


Feb 28, 2009

Notice Of A Change In The Percentage Level Of A Substantial Shareholder’s Interest
Feb 26, 2009

Notice Of Cessation Of Substantial Shareholding
Feb 26, 2009

Notice Of A Change In The Percentage Level Of A Substantial Shareholder’s Interest
Feb 26, 2009

Notice Of A Director’s (Including A Director Who Is A Substantial Shareholder) Interest And Change In Interest

Transcu Group Limited is a Life Sciences company which engages in the research, development and commercialisation of cutting-edge technologies to improve and enhance the quality of life. Established in 1988 in Japan and headquartered in Singapore, the Group has offices in Singapore, Japan and the United States.

As a knowledge-based company, Transcu holds patents for at least three device inventions and has over 500 live filings for patents applications and formulations worldwide. Transcu has already succeeded in generating revenues from licensing its proprietary technologies to strategic business partners and anticipates sustainable revenues from manufacturing, distribution and sale of end-products using its proprietary technologies.


* TTI ellebeau,Inc.
* Dharma Therapeutics,Inc.


June 1988      Sogo Biyo Ikagaku Kenkyujo was established by Mr Akihiko Matsumura.
March 1992     First patent on  Electrophoresis Drug Penetration Device  was applied.
March 2004     Transcutaneous Technologies Co., Ltd. was established in Japan.
February 2005     Dharma Therapeutic Inc., was established in Seattle, U.S.A as a wholly owned subsidiary.
March 2005     R&D Center was established in Tokyo, Japan, to strengthen R&D.
December 2005     GMP facility was established in Seattle, U.S.A by Dharma Therapeutics, Inc.
October 2006     Completed the phase I clinical trials of Lidoacine Patch in the U.S.
March 2007     Completed the phase II clinical trials of Lidocaine Patch in the U.S.
April 2007     Established Transcu Pte. Ltd. in Singapore.
May 2007     Concluded a Share Exchange Agreement with Eng Wah Organization Limited for Reverse Takeover.
June 2007     Transcu Pte. Ltd. purchased Ellebeau Inc. and made it a wholly owned subsidiary.
September 2007     Transcutaneous Technologies, Inc. merged with Ellebeau Inc. and became TTI ellebeau, Inc.
November 2008     Completion of Reverse Takeover. 1st Japanese Life-Sciences company listed on SGX Mainboard.


Michael S. Ansari, USMC (Hon.)
Founder, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer

Michael S. Ansari, an industrialist for over 35 years, founded M.I.C. Industries, Inc. in 1981 and has served as its Chairman, President and CEO since its inception. M.I.C. has reached Inc. magazine’s list of America’s 500 fastest growing companies, and it continues to surpass industry standards and has grown to be the global leader in industrial manufacturing of its kind. Prior to M.I.C., Mr. Ansari owned other manufacturing and trading companies.

In addition to M.I.C., in the 1990’s, Mr. Ansari, in partnership with General Alexander Haig, former U.S. Secretary of State, formed US-CIS Ventures, Inc. He was a principal and a major participant in the development of oil and gas pipeline concepts between central Asian and European countries. For a period of time, he was the United States Honorary Consul for Turkmenistan and was a member of President Bush’s OPIC Investment Mission delegation overseas.

In his industrial and commercial activities, Mr. Ansari combines his decades of experience in the global business community with his bipartisan political relationships. His political partners, colleagues, and associates in the United States have included former U.S. Presidential Chiefs of Staff, National Security Advisors, Secretaries and Deputy Secretaries of Defense and State, who served in the administrations of Presidents Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan,
George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and George W. Bush.

He completed his higher education in political science at Ohio State University and in business at Stanford Graduate School of Business Executive Program and is a recipient of the prestigious United States Ellis Island Medal of Honor. Other past recipients of this medal include six United States Presidents, Walter Cronkite, Muhammad Ali, Dr. Michael E. DeBakey, Henry Kissinger, Bob Hope, and General Colin Powell.

In 2005, in the presence of five Marine generals, Mr. Ansari was bestowed the title of Honorary Marine by the Commandant of the United States Marine Corps. Mr. Ansari is an Alliance Trustee and a Chairman’s Council Member for America’s Promise Alliance. Founded by General Colin Powell, America’s Promise Alliance forges a strong and effective partnership alliance with organizations nationwide that are committed to seeing that children experience the fundamental resources they need to succeed.

The Honorable William S. Cohen

William S. Cohen was the 20th Secretary of Defense of the United States. Prior to his tenure as Secretary of Defense, Mr. Cohen served three terms in the U.S. Senate and three terms in the U.S. House of Representatives, from the state of Maine.

The Honorable Richard L. Armitage
Special Assistant to the Chairman
& Member of the Board of Advisors

The Honorable Richard L. Armitage’s stellar and distinguished government service has spanned 30 years. Most recently the Deputy Secretary of State, Mr. Armitage also served as Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia and Pacific Affairs; Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs; Presidential Special Negotiator and mediator for the Philippines and the Middle East; and President Bush’s Special Emissary to Jordan ‘s King Hussein during the 1991 Gulf War.

General Peter Pace, USMC (Ret.)

General Pace was the 16th Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the United States Armed Forces. In that capacity, he served as the principal military advisor to the President of the United States, the Secretary of Defense, the National Security Council and the Homeland Security Council. General Pace was also awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the highest civilian honor a President can bestow.

Mrs. Ruth Rabb

Mrs. Ruth Rabb, who spent nine years in Italy as the wife of The Honorable Maxwell Rabb, United States Ambassador to Italy, is a graduate of Radcliffe College, and has worked in the field of child development, drug rehabilitation and social services. Mrs. Rabb helped found Polimoda, an affiliate of the Fashion Institute of Technology of New York, in Florence, Italy. She serves on the International Advisory Board of Auburn University and is a trustee of John Cabot University in Rome.

Mr. Ben Gazzara
For generations, Mr. Ben Gazzara has offered international audiences insight into the human condition through his portrayal of compelling characters in such films as “The Killing of a Chinese Bookie,” “Husbands,” “Saint Jack,” and “Anatomy of a Murder” and in the theatre productions of “Cat on a Hot Tin Roof” and “A Hatful of Rain”. Mr. Gazzara also won an Emmy Award as best supporting actor for his role in HBO’s film “Hysterical Blindness.” Mr. Gazzara recently appeared in  Dogville  and the TV miniseries  Pope John Paul II.

© 2004 – 2009 M.I.C. Industries, Inc.
All Rights Reserved.     M.I.C. Industries, Inc. is the sole worldwide manufacturer and registered trademark owner
of the Ultimate Building Machine® (UBM®), Automatic Building Machine® (ABM®),
K-Span®, Super-Span®, Super K-Span®, and other complementary products.

Board of Advisors

The Board of Advisors consists of accomplished leaders in government, military, industry, business and humanitarian fields. Here are the members of the Board of Advisors:

MIC Industries



EADS Defence & Security bringt neues TETRA-Mobilfunkgerät auf den Markt

11/25/2008, 14:19 Uhr, Kommunikation, EADS Deutschland European Aeronautic Defence & Space Agency

EADS Defence & Security (DS) hat mit dem TETRA-Mobilfunkgerät TGR990 das Portfolio an TETRA-Endgeräten erweitert. Die Funktionalitäten des TGR990 wurden auf die…

EADS Defence & Security hat neues TETRA-Handfunkgerät im Portfolio

11/25/2008, 14:22 Uhr, Kommunikation, EADS Deutschland European Aeronautic Defence & Space Agency

EADS Defence & Security (DS) hat ein neues TETRA-Handfunkgerät auf den Markt gebracht. Das Gerät vom Typ THR9 verbindet die neuesten technischen Funktionen mit den…